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THE 



CHRISTIAN 



REMEMBRANCER 



VOL. XII. 

JULY DECEMBER. 




LONDON : 

JAMES BURNS, 17, PORTMAN STREET, 

PORTMAN SQUARE. 
1846. 



. , 



CONTENTS 



No. LIU. 



PAGE 

ART. I. K.OSMO2 : A General Survey of the Physical Phe- 
nomena of the Universe. By Alexander von 
Humboldt. Vol. 1 1 

II. 1. Report from the Select Committee on Mortmain, 
together with the Minutes of Evidence. 

2. A Bill to alter and amend the Laws relating to 
the Disposition of Property for Pious and Charitable 
Purposes. Prepared and brought in by Lord John 
Manners, Viscount Clive, and Mr. Charles Buller. 

3. Debate on the Mortmain Laws in the House of 
Commons, March, 1846 30 

III. 1 . Die Reformatorischen Bestrebungen in der Katho- 
lischen Kirche. Von Dr. Anton Theiner. (The 
Reforming Tendencies in the Catholic Church. 
By Dr. Anthon Theiner.) 

2. Zur Rechtfertigung der Deutsch-Katholischen 
gegen Klagen Romischglaubiger. Von Dr. H. E. 
G. Paulus. (Defence of the German Catholics 
against the Accusations of those who hold Romish 
Doctrines. By Dr. Paulus.) 

3. Die Mission der Deutsch-Katholiken, Von G. 
G. Gervinus. (The Mission of the German 
Catholics. By G. G. Gervinus.) 

4. Notes on the Rise, Progress, and Prospects of the 
Schism from the Church of Rome called the 
German Catholic Church. By Samuel Laing, Esq. 57 

NO. LHI. \.S. 



ii CONTENTS. 

PJUJK 

ART. IV. 1 . The English Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmes- 
bury ; now first collected and edited by Sir Wil- 
liam Molesworth, Bart. 

Thomas Hobbea, Malmesburiensis, Opera philoso- 
phica, quae latine scripsit omnia ; in unum corpus 
nunc primum collecta, studio et labore Gulieltni 

Molesworth 84 

V. 1. A Letanie with Suffrages, to be said or songe with 
the Plein-Tone. Edited by Cranmer. 

2. The same with a Quire Harmony on the Plein- 
Tone, as used in the King's Chapel. 

3. The Booke of Common Praier, noted. Edited 
by John Merbecke. 

4. The Psalter or Psalms of David after the transla- 
tion of the Great Bible, pointed as it shall be 
songe in Churches. 

&c. &c 114 

VI. Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of 
England in the North American Colonies, pre- 
vious to the Independence of the United States : 
chiefly from the MS. Documents of the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign 
Parts. By Ernest Hawkins, B.D. &c 184 

VII. 1. Histoire des Institutions de Moiise, et du Peuple 
Hebreu. Par J. Salvador. 

2. Jesus-Christ et sa Doctrine ; Histoire de la Nais- 
sance de FEglise, de son Organisation, et de ses 
Progres pendant le premier SiScle. Par J. Sal- 
vador. 

3. Jewish Intelligence, and Monthly Account of the 
Proceedings of the London Society for Promoting 
Christianity among the Je\vs. 

4. The Thirty-third, &c. Reports of the London 
Society, &c. 

&c. &c. . . . 222 



NOTICES OP BOOKS 289 

LETTER on Bunsen's Scripture Chronology 298 



OF 



No, LIV. 



PACK 

ART. I. 1. The Influence of Christianity in promoting the 
Abolition of Slavery in Europe. A Dissertation 
which obtained the Hulsean Prize for the Year 
1845. By Churchill Babington, B.A. Scholar 
of St. John's College. 

2. Remarks on the Slavery and the Slave Trade of 
the Brazils. By T. Nelson, R. N. late Senior 
Assistant Surgeon of H. M. S. Crescent, at Rio 
de Janeiro. 

3. Excursion through the Slaves States of South 
America. By G. W. Featherstonhaugh 325 

II. The Church of England cleared from the Charge 
of Schism, upon Testimonies of Councils and 
Fathers of the first Six Centuries. By Thomas 
"William Allies, M.A. Rector of Launton, Oxon.. 377 

III. The Iliad of Homer. Translated by T. S. Bran- 

<lretb, Esq 398 

IV. 1. On the Means of rendering more efficient the 
Education of the People. A Letter to the Lord 
Bishop of St. David's. By Walter Farquhar 
Hook, D.D. Vicar of Leeds. 

2. A Letter to the Rev. Dr. Hook, in reply to his 
Letter to the Lord Bishop of St. David's, on the 
Subject of National Education. By the Rev. 
R. C. Clifton, M.A. Canon of Manchester. 

NO. LIV. N.S. 



ii CONTENTS. 

FACIE 

AKT. IV. 3. Remarks on Dr. Hook's Letter to the Bishop of 
St. David's, and on a State Provision for the Edu- 
cation of the People. By J. B. Clarke, M. A. 
Rector of Bagborough, Prebeudary of Wells, and 
Diocesan Inspector of Schools. 

4. Education : shewing what is done ; what is not 
done ; what we can do ; what we must do ; to 
Educate the People. By "W. T. Haly, Esq. of the 
Middle Temple, Secretary to the Southwark 
Fund for Schools. 

5. The Education of the Poor in England and 
Europe. By Joseph Kay, B. A., of Trinity Col- 
lege, Cambridge, Travelling Bachelor of the 
University. 

6. German University Education ; or, the Professors 
and Students of Germany; to which is added, a brief 
Account of the Public Schools of Prussia, with 
Observations on the Influence of Philosophy on 
the Studies of the German Universities. By 
Walter C. Perry, Phil. D. of the University of 
Gottingen 411 

V. The Druidical Temples of the County of Wilts. 
By the Rev. E. Duke, M.A. F.A.S. F.L.S. and 
Member of the Arcliaeological Institute of Great 
Britain and Ireland 467 

VI. Lyrical Compositions, selected from the Italian 
Poets, with Translations. By James Glassford, 
Esq., of Dougalston 478 

VII. Histoire de Leon X. Par M. Audin, Chevalier de 
1'Ordre de Saint-Gregoire le Grand, Membre de 
1'Academie et du Cercle Litteraire de Lyon, 
President de 1'Institut Catholique de la meme 
Ville, Membre de I'Academie Tiberine, et de 
I'Academie de la Religion Catholique de Rome . . 496 



NOTICES OF BOOKS .. . 543 



THE 



CHRISTIAN REMEMBRANCER 

JULY, 1846. 



ART. I. KO2MO2 : A General Survey of the Physical Phenomena 
of the Universe. By ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT. Vol. I. 
London: Hippolyte Bailliere, Regent Street. 1845. 

IT is a true, though trite, remark, that the influence of philo- 
sophical speculations on the actions and characters of the mass, 
must be looked for in the age succeeding that which witnessed 
then* first promulgation. The animating spirit spreads slowly, 
though surely, over the dull, inert matter on which it is directed ; 
and the actions of the sons supply the proper commentary to the 
studies of the fathers. The observation has been generally made 
with reference to the theories of moral philosophy ; and to them, 
of course, as more directly conversant with the springs of action, 
it more particularly applies. It may, however, be extended to 
the physical sciences ; for in these, too, the views which have 
been elicited by the esoteric controversies of the philosophers of 
one generation, become, in the next, the common property of 
the multitude : and so far forth as opinions concerning the world 
which we inhabit, and the laws which govern it, can influence 
manners, or direct practice, they become elements of the general 
character. Such views, when once fairly established in the 
popular mind, appear so obvious and simple, as to challenge for 
themselves almost an axiomatic dignity, and to claim, as it were, 
a seat within the very framework of the mind itself; yet it is 
commonly with much of toil and difficulty, feebly and gradually 
emerging from the mists of stubborn prejudices and formless 
fancies, that they have won their way to this station of undis- 
puted eminence. While the conflict is raging, few can venture 
to predict on which side victory will at length declare ; when it 
is over, we wonder that any could have ever doubted. Shadowy 
forms and ill-defined theories flit around ; potent arguments rise 
up with obstinate pertinacity in our path: we listen to the 
* unmingling shout' of controversy till our head is weary and 
our ears are deafened. 

NO. LIII. N. s. B 



* Kosmos. 



It is on a border-land of this description that we are now 
standing. The professed votaries of knowledge are said to 
have penetrated far along her paths within the last half century ; 
and the results of their labours have of late begun to be widely 
felt. Vigorous efforts have been made to diffuse their new 
acquisitions over a wider surface, and impress them on the 
general mind ; and the attempt has roused its wonted oppo- 
sition. We see before us a disputed territory, eagerly con- 
tested by the belligerent powers, and incessantly harassed by 
incursions from the scientific and unscientific realms, to which 
it supplies a field for fierce battle or suspicious overture. Penny 
magazines, and cabinet cyclopaedias, chemical lectures, optical 
exhibitions, mechanical models, have been the various weapons 
with which the one party has sought to reach the various classes 
and sexes of the community ; wnile ample reprisals have been 
made by the other through the medium of ethical lectures, 
scientific sermons, reviews, and declamations. Perhaps the pre- 
sent is a wider battle-field than former ages have witnessed; 
certainly the increased mental and material means of commu- 
nication have given more publicity to the combat. In former 
times, some few philosophers, some masters of established reputa- 
tion, or, perchance, the strong arm of the magistrate, maintained 
the cause of received opinions ; and when these passed away 
from the scene, or acknowledged the superiority of their oppo- 
nents, the newly-asserted truth reached the unlearned public 
naturally and easily by the usual channels, and stamped with 
the wonted impress of authority. Now, however, there is 
nothing, great or small, which can escape the Argus scrutiny of 
the public ; and the columns of The Times supply an arena in 
which the whole world may watch in breathless interest a poli- 
tical encounter between the Premier and the Member for 
Shrewsbury, and then refresh their over-wrought spirits by the 
spectacle of a scientific joust between the Deans of York and 
Westminster. 

It is a scene of turmoil and confusion ; half- irritating, and half 
absurd, it fixes our reluctant gaze by the magnitude and 
importance of its results. For it is amidst this tumult of 
petty contention, this angry shock of personal attack and retort, 
that the ideas of the coming age assume their permanent dis- 
tinctness: it is the noisy workshop in which creaking wheels 
and whirring cords are fashioning the formal being of admitted 
science. Truth, indeed, is strong, and will prevail; we may 
retard or advance, we cannot prevent, its ultimate triumph: 
yet it does greatly depend on human agency whether it issues 
from the alembic in its native purity, or suspended in a solution 
more or less deleterious. Truth will triumph, but Error often 



Humboldt's Kosmot. 3 

clings to her chariot ; nay, often Truth herself is clad in the fan- 
tastical garb of Falsehood. For truth is like some multiform 
crystal, reflecting from its many faces the variously coloured 
rays of light ; and error, for the most part, is nothing more than 
the pertinacious contemplation of some one of these faces, or 'of a 
selected few, to the exclusion of the rest, and the destruction of 
the general unity. For this reason it becomes most important 
to watch the character of the works which undertake to transfer 
new truths from the private laboratories of science to the open 
gaze of the admiring crowd. We may require to be very certain 
of the truth of their assertions (though this belongs rather to the 
province of the masters of science themselves) ; we should con- 
fine them within the proper limits of the truths they promulgate, 
and restrain their course if they attempt to push them into 
foreign subjects, or attach them by doubtful links to suspicious 
theories. We may demand from them a careful attention to the 
due subordination of Truth, that her fair proportions be not 
injured, or her higher lineaments obscured by the ungraceful 
prominence of some inferior feature. 

But with many it is not so much the mode of treatment, as 
the thing itself, which is obnoxious. The whole range of natural 
science is viewed by them with distrust, as an injurious, or, at 
best, an useless study, and one which requires not so much 
watchful attention as general discouragement. Why should 
man, they ask, the imperishable, the divine waste his ener- 
gies on the material, lifeless forms around him ? If practice be 
his end, how mean the office of the mere minister to utility I 
how doubtful the very utility of art, equally available for evil 
as for good ! If knowledge only be his object, what is the 
universe to him but a Chinese puzzle, whose intractable seg- 
ments often baffle his most ingenious efforts at adjustment? 
And supposing the riddle solved to his satisfaction, with what 
support, they ask in trouble, what resource in difficulty, what 
consolation in distress, will this barren knowledge furnish its pos- 
sessor ? Nay, is it not a fact, whatever be the explanation of it, 
that this study is found to remove the great safeguards of human 
action, the stay of human hope, by cutting away the idea of a 
creating and preserving Providence, and impugning the sacred 
records of the Volume of Revelation ? That such disastrous 
results (however we may be constrained occasionally to admit 
them) are not the necessary concomitants of physical science, 
that Volume itself will teach us, where we read that one, whose 
wisdom was a miraculous gift, * spake of trees, from the cedar- 

* tree that is in Lebanon, even unto the hyssop that springeth put 

* of the wall ; he spake also of beasts, and of fowl, and of creep- 
'ing things, and of fishes.' (1 Kings iv. 33.) Nor can we doubt 

B 2 



4 SmtboUft Kosmos. 

\foses, 'learned in all the wisdom of the Egyptians,' was 
well versed in all that astronomy had yet achieved in that seat 
of IHT early cultivation. Its very classification and nomenclature 
is, as it were, sanctioned in its birth by the divine use of it in 
the book of Job (xxxviii. 31, 32). And the eloquent lan- 
guage of Sir John Herschel may be adduced to vindicate 
and describe the Christian attributes of true philosophy. 

* The character of the true philosopher,' he writes, * is to 
' hope all things not impossible, and to believe all things not 
' unreasonable. He who has seen obscurities which appeared 

* impenetrable in physical and mathematical science sud- 
' denly dispelled, and the most barren and unpromising fields 

* of inquiry converted, as if by inspiration, into rich and inex- 
' haustible springs of knowledge and power, on a simple change 
' in our point of view, or by merely bringing to bear on them 
' some principle which it never occurred before to try, will surely 

* In- the very last to acquiesce in any dispiriting prospects of 
' either the present or future destinies of mankind ; while, on the 
' other hand, the boundless views of intellectual and moral, as 

* well as material, relations which open on him on all hands in 
' the course of these pursuits, the knowledge of the trivial place 
' he occupies in the scale of creation, and the sense continually 

-ed upon him of his own weakness and incapacity to suspend 

* or modify the slightest movement of the vast machinery he sees 

* in action around him, must effectually convince him that humi- 
' lity of pretension, no less than confidence of hope, is what best 

* becomes his character.' (Discourse on the Study of Natural 
Philosophy, p. 8.) And we may quote the following passage 
from the same writer, as an effectual answer to the merely 
utilitarian objections which are sometimes urged from such 
opposite quarters : ' But if science may be vilified by repre- 

* sen ting it as opposed to religion, or trammelled by mistaken 

* notions of the danger of free inquiry, there is yet another mode 

* by which it may be degraded from its native dignity, and that 

* is by placing it in the light of a mere appendage to, and caterer 
' for, our pampered appetites. The question " cut bono, " to what 

* practical end and advantage do your researches tend ? is one 
' which the speculative philosopher, who loves knowledge for its 
( own sake, and enjoys, as a rational being should enjoy, the mere 
' contemplation of harmonious and mutually dependent truths, 
' can seldom hear without a sense of humiliation. He feels that 

* there is a lofty and disinterested pleasure in his speculations 
' which ought to exempt them from such questionings, commu- 
' nicating, as they do to his own mind, the purest happiness (after 
' the exercise of the benevolent and moral feelings) of which 
' human nature is susceptible, and tending to the injury of no 



Humboldts Kosmos. 5 

' one, he might surely allege this as a sufficient and direct reply to 
' those who, having themselves little capacity, and less relish for 
' intellectual pursuits, are constantly repeating upon him this 
' inquiry.' (Ibid. p. 10.) That study is not without its use, even 
as a moral engine, which occasionally draws off our minds from 
the petty concerns of daily life to contemplate the great phe- 
nomena of the universe. Distracted, as we are, amid the ever- 
changing currents of particulars, it is no light benefit if we can 
turn our heads to gaze for a time on the universal ; the grand, 
undeviating laws of the material world, the unfathomable depths 
of space, the infinitude of creation, excite and foster ideas of the 
Boundless and Unchanging, and possess the mind with some- 
thing of their own majestic calmness. It is well thus to turn 
aside sometimes from ' the loud stunning tide of human care and 
crime,' to commune, as it were, with Nature in the wilderness. 

And if there seems, as has sometimes been alleged, a sort of 
natural hostility between the Church and the philosophy of 
nature, a kind of instinctive antipathy, which impelled her rulers 
to reject and condemn at first, and scarcely to admit, after long 
conflict, even the well-supported theories of speculators on these 
subjects so that even now the Jesuit editors of Newton <pre- 
' fix to the third book of the Principia a declaration that they 
' admit the motion of the earth only as a hypothesis, professing 
* to obey the decrees of the Popes against the motion of the 
' earth : " Latis a summis pontificibus contra telluris motum de- 
' cretis nos obsequi profitemur:"' (Whewell's Hist, of Ind. 
Sciences, vol. i. p. 378) yet the true explanation of this will 
perhaps reverse its apparent inference, and lead us to the conclu- 
sion that the speculations of the present day are a fit subject for 
the Church's watchful guidance. We grant then, that the physical 
sciences do not appear to have been studied by the early pro- 
fessors of Christianity, and that we should strive in vain to 
invest them with the recommendation of patristic authority. 
But several causes conspired to produce this effect. In the first 
place, the ages which witnessed the first growth of Christianity 
were not periods of advancement of physical learning. From 
Archimedes to Stevinus and Galileo, the few great principles 
which patient thought had as yet wrought out, barely maintained 
an unproductive existence. Cicero, Seneca, and even Pliny, 
content with retailing and extolling the physical knowledge of 
their predecessors, did not attempt to advance its boundaries. 
The study of nature awakened no ambitious hopes, held out no 
prospect of grand, indefinite discoveries ; its most firmly estab- 
lished truths scarce ventured beyond the sacred verge of the 
philosophical arena, and the mass of mankind were still allowed 
to please themselves with the image of a vast terraqueous plane, 



> II ttntl> J<lit Kotmot. 



and decant, unmolested, on the absurdities involved in a belief 
of the antipodes. The study of natmv was not the bent of the 
: and we can scarcely wonder if even the near spectacle of 
the Alexandrian school of mathematics, which had degenerated 
into little more than a nursery of commentators a race of little 
value in a science whose records are written in the unfailing 
characters of nature failed to excite the emulation of their 
Christian fellow-citizens. Engaged in an unceasing conflict, 
which taxed their utmost powers, and demanded their undivided 
strength, they cared little for the cultivation of an abstract truth, 
which had no direct bearing on religion, and conferred on its 
successful votary but little influence over the popular mind. 

* It is not through ignorance of the things admired by them,' 
says Eusebius, ' but through contempt of their useless labour, 
' that we think little of these matters, turning our souls to the 

* exercise of better things.' * To search,' says Lactantius, 'for 
' the causes of natural things ; to inquire whether the sun be as 
' large as he seems, whether the moon is convex or concave ; 

* whether the stars are fixed in the sky, or float freely in the 

* air ; of what size, and of what material, are the heavens ; 
' whether they be at rest or in motion ; what is the magnitude of 
' the earth ; on what foundations it is suspended and balanced ; 
' to dispute and conjecture on such matters, is just as if we chose 
' to discuss what we think of a city in a remote country, of which 
' we never heard but the name.' ' The argument from Scripture 
was certainly employed by St. Augustine, and afterwards by 
Bishop Boniface of Mentz, against the opinion of the existence 
of antipodes ; but whatever aversion to physical science existed, 
appears to have mainly arisen rather from contempt for its 
inutility or uncertainty, than from any dread of its ten- 
dencies, or persuasion of its impiety. Nor in truth was the 
study in those times of sufficient importance to attract the 
serious notice, or require the guiding hand of the Church. 
Ethical and logical speculations were the field in which the 
human intellect then most loved to expatiate ; and these were at 
once inclosed within her pale, as the acknowledged handmaidens 
of her theology. Far from retarding the progress of the age, 
or shrinking from her appointed task of watching, ruling, and 
moderating the plans, the hopes, the interests of her sons, she 
boldly led the van of human knowledge, along the only road on 
which it then chose to march. That universal influence which 
presided at the council-boards of Europe, and disdained not to 
rule the tournament of feudal war, penetrated into the quiet 

1 Euseb. Prop. Ev. xv. 61. Lact. I. iii. init. as cited by Dr. Wliewell, Hist, of 
Ind. Sciences, vol. i. p. 253, from whose pages the materials of this sketch are 
derived. 



Hwnboldfs Kosmos. 7 

chamber of the philosopher, who recognised in it both an arm to 
control, and an aim to elevate, his studies. 

Yet the physical sciences themselves were not wholly without 
their representatives or their patrons ; the Arabian astronomy 
was not infrequently cultivated in the monasteries : as early as 
the third century, St. Patricius is recorded as the first assertor 
of the Plutonic theory, (Kosmos, p. 234); and Europe was indebted 
for an astrolabe of peculiar construction to the skilful workman- 
ship of Pope Sylvester II. But the circumstances are widely 
altered now : no longer the objects of contempt or doubt, the 
physical sciences open a road to fame and advancement, increase 
the power, and minister to the luxury of mankind, and confer 
wealth and honour, with all the thousand influences that attend 
them. This too is perhaps at present the most stirring scene of 
the world of intellect; here is the field in which the acutest 
reasoning loves to toil, and the boldest imagination to expatiate; 
this is the region of the horizon towards which many eyes are 
straining in all the ardour of anticipatory vision. Day after 
day exacter instruments, more watchful observation, more accu- 
rate experiment, bring fresh truths to light, or confirm or modify 
admitted theories. Unsatisfied with his own domain, the natural 
philosopher is for ever trying his principles on the outworks of 
moral science, and thus bringing his mysterious studies within 
the verge of popular discussion, and vulgar judgment : so that 
this is becoming the very theatre on which the ever-recurring 
cycle of intellectual contention is once again to be represented. 
Dry, hard, and material as this subject is wont to be considered, 
it is yet drawing our very poets within its vortex : 

' Science moves, but slowly, slowly, creeping on from point to point; 
Yet I doubt not through the ages one increasing purpose runs, 
And the thoughts of men are widen'd with the process of the suns. 
Not in vain the distance beacons. Forward, forward let us range. 
Let the great world spin for ever down the ringing grooves of change.' 

The course of a pursuit so long dormant, so rapidly advancing, 
and so widely spreading, is a moral phenomenon well worth a 
serious consideration. Its existence as a social element may call 
for the more particular attention of the clergy. It is their 
peculiar province to watch the varying phases of the public 
mind, and to be ready at every turn to meet the exigencies of the 
moment. Supported by civil authority, and fenced in with penal 
laws, they could perhaps in other times afford to neglect an 
unpleasing task ; but now that their position is more and more re- 
duced to one of merely moral power, they can maintain it only by 
moral superiority. They who are to direct the lives, must know 
the feelings, of mankind ; they who are to solve their difficulties, 
must first understand them ; above all, they who undertake to 



Kosmos. 

sway the mind, and lead the spiritual progress of their genera- 
tion, must show themselves (unless they would wholly dispense 
with ordinary means) its superiors in mental culture. Humility is 
the basis of all virtue, but it is one which can be taught only by the 
presence of a superior. The ready-spoken member of an Institute, 
the Encyclopaediacally-educatedartizans can only be convinced of 
their ignorance, by one who excels them in their own acquire- 
ments ; or, if they are really well versed in what they profess, 
they will listen with more ready and serious attention to one 
whose abilities they can themselves appreciate. The conviction 
of his knowledge, where they can test it, will induce them to 
submit to it where they cannot. Such has been the invariable 
policy of missionaries; such was the conduct of the mediaeval 
Church. Ethical, verbal, and metaphysical studies were the 
mental occupations, war and oratory the active business, of the 
age; its amusements the tournament and the chase. She boldly 
assumed the reins of all, and made her influence felt through 
every joint of the mighty fabric. If we would truly imitate 
those ages, it must be by a bold adoption of their spirit, rather 
than by a timid adherence to their form. Energy, resolution, 
and the turbulence of real life, are stamped on the pages of their 
history ; if our imitations seem cold and lifeless, alien to the 
wants of men, and as it were, a representation, or a play, it is 
time for distrust and re-examination. The character of ancient days 
will gain much efficiency, and need lose nothing of its integrity, 
by hiding its gigantic limbs beneath the unpretending exterior 
of a modern garb. As years wear on, the same principles speak 
in an altered language, the same relations are represented in a 
fresh calculus. We cannot, if we would, change the facts before 
us, nor would the ability to do so be of much avail. Man is 
set to work through his allotted period of life, but it does not 
greatly matter what is the subject of his labour. The manner 
of its execution, the motives which impel him to it, these per- 
fect his character, and constitute his trial ; and for these the 
varying circumstances of successive ages afford, probably, nearly 
equal scope. The Church's object is not so much to fashion 
upon one fixed mould the material relations of society, or the 
scarcely less obstinate configurations of the general will, as to 
restrain it within due bounds, to check its wandering propensi- 
ties, supply its motives, spur its indolence, or moderate its 
intensity. She boasts no philosopher's stone, by which to turn 
all things into gold, though she teaches the true chemistry which 
derives from every work of nature its peculiar good. 

With these general views on the study of natural philosophy, 
our readers will perhaps accompany us with interest in the 
examination of the work before us. We have in it the first 



Humboldfs Kosmos. 9 

volume of the result of the life-long labours of an aged scientific 
traveller. * In the evening of a long and active life,' he tells 
us in the Preface, ' I present the public with a work, the in- 
' definite outlines of which have floated in my mind for almost 
' half a century.' Its object is no less than to embrace in one 
wide survey the varied contents of the Universe. From the 
unimaginable depths of space, through all the diversities of 
nebula and star, we enter the confines of the solar system, and 
are at last landed on the surface of our native globe, there to 
commence anew a fresh series of most varied observation. To 
present to the imagination one great picture of an ordered 
whole, vast as a Christian cathedral, but symmetrical as a Grecian 
temple, is the grand object of the author. It is not, we are 
repeatedly told, a congeries of unarranged facts, or a merely 
mechanical juxtaposition of phenomena ; no encyclopaedia of the 
sciences, following one another in an arbitrary and unconnected 
sequence; but a living picture, in its bold, though mutually 
dependent, masses of light and shade ; a bright focus into which 
the rays of every science converge in undistinguishable light. 
Ambitious of more than the wish of Archimedes, he strives to 
win for himself an intellectual station beyond 'the flaming 
bounds of space and time,' from whence to contemplate the 
co-operation of all matter and all life, from the revolving 
spheres of heaven down to the lichen-clad rock, and the animal- 
cule-peopled ocean, in the production of one harmonious whole, 
the Kosmos of the Universe. Sad and humbling it is, that one 
who sees so much should look no further ; that beholding the 
mighty picture in its accordant beauty, he should turn away in 
unbelief or indifference from the contemplation of the Hand 
that limned it; that he should find it easier to the intellect, 
more satisfying to the affections, to acquiesce in a Self-pro- 
ductive, than to venerate a Creator. 

The accuracy of the facts or the correctness of the theories 
of this work are of course beyond the reach of ordinary criti- 
cism. The adepts of the particular sciences, the practised 
astronomer, or the professed geologist, may possibly find 
materials for well-grounded complaint in a work which em- 
braces the whole cycle of physical learning ; but the assertions 
of Alexander von Humboldt must be allowed to pass current 
with the amateur. Devoted to nature from his earliest youth, 
and qualified by patient study for the steady contemplation of 
her awful features, he has wandered amidst the untrodden forests 
of South America, and the trackless steppes of Central Asia, 
and admired her varying form from the Andes to the Himalaya: 
while a personal acquaintance, or frequent correspondence with 
the greatest names of living science, have afforded him the oppor- 



10 Humboldt's Kosmos. 

tunity of weighing and testing every fresh theory, by which 
philosophers have attempted to explain the hidden action of her 
mysterious powers. Whatever may be his scientific errors, we 
leave them to the judgment of Professors, confident that the 
calm repose of philosophic investigation will not disqualify or 
disincline them from the task. It is enough for us to mark those 
salient points, which appeal to the ordinary judgment of man- 
kind. Though we may not venture to commit ourselves to a 
recorded verdict on the nebular hypothesis, and may hesitate to 
decide between the Plutonic and Neptunian theory; the general 
tone of the work, the effort at picturesque delineation, or per- 
spicuous statement, its bearings upon ethical or religious sub- 
jects, are matters of wide-spread interest, and fall within the 
range of common information. 

But is this work, it will be asked, intended for the general 
reader, or the man of science ? Is it couched in a form intel- 
ligible by the habits of a general education, or does it pre- 
suppose a peculiar and professional study ? The author himself 
shall supply an answer to this question. 

'In the multiplicity of objects which I have thus cursorily enumerated, 
the question presents itself; whether general -views of nature can be 
brought to any thing like precision, without deep and earnest study of the 
several departments of natural science natural history, natural philosophy, 
and physical astronomy ? Here it is proper to distinguish carefully betwixt 
the teacher, who makes selections, and delivers an account of results, acd 
the pupil, who receives the account as something presented to him, not 
investigated for himself. For the former, the most intimate knowledge of 
specialities is indispensably necessary ; he must have long familiarized his 
mind with the several sciences, he must himself have taken the length and 
the breadth of things, observed and made experiments, before he can, with 
any confidence or propriety, venture on a picture of nature as a whole. 
The entire bearings of the problems, whose investigation lends such attrac- 
tions to the physical history of the world, are perhaps scarcely to be com- 
prehended in all their clearness, where special preliminary knowledge is 
wanting ; although, without it, the greater number of the propositions can 
still be satisfactorily discussed. If the great picture of nature be not pre- 
sented with its outlines equally clear and sharp in every part, it will still be 
found sufficiently true and attractive to enrich the mind with ideas, and to 
arouse and fructify the imagination.' Pp. 29, 30. 

We fear> however, that the author will scarce satisfy his un- 
professional readers, and procure for himself an entire exemp- 
tion from the charge of Goethe, which he quotes against his 
countrymen, that 'the Germans possess the faculty of making 
the sciences inaccessible,' We feel it a kind of challenge, like 
a direct personal affront, or an avowed intention of incivility, 
when an author strings together such words as goniatites, poly- 
thalamians, and bryozoa, scales of planulites, and stems of 
cicadeae, (p. 29); diorite, phonolite, dolerite, and oligoglastic 
porphyry, (pp. 267, 268); yet if the sight of these catalogues, 



Humboldfs Kosinos. \ 1 

sufficiently plentiful, it must be owned, to be likely enough to 
catch the eye of a random leaf-turner, were to induce him to 
close the volume in disgust, he would have a very false idea of 
its contents. This specification of details is perhaps necessarily 
inserted, to fix the attention of the scientific reader ; though it 
may be doubted whether their obscurity lies wholly beyond the 
reach of a liberal education, at least, if we may plead the 
authority of Aristotle, for extending that word a little beyond 
the boundaries of school and college, so as to include within its 
signification that mental cultivation in after-life, which the pos- 
session of even a little leisure renders an imperative duty. It 
might, we suspect, take in much of that terminology, which, 
like the shadowy terrors in the vestibule of Orcus, guards with 
an imaginary difficulty the threshold of physical science, with- 
out surrendering any proportionate amount of those studies, 
which are justly deemed to reveal to us a knowledge of more 
deep concernment, and to unite us more closely with the com- 
mon stream of humanity. Perhaps the admission, according to 
Dr. WhewelFs suggestion, of a single classificatory science, 
such as Botany, within the range of direct education, might be 
of great service in opening the way to a wider acquaintance 
with natural philosophy, by means of the habituation to one 
form of its technical language ; thus exhibiting an useful appli- 
cation of Master Slender's well-known principle, that ' upon 
familiarity will grow more contempt.' There is, however, much 
in Kosmos that may be appreciated without even this amount 
of preparation ; it is to the strong reasonings of our inner life, 
to our common enjoyment of outward nature, that such passages 
as the following speak. 

' When, in the first place, we reflect on the different degrees of enjoy- 
ment which the contemplation of nature affords, we find that the first or 
lowest are independent of all insight into the operation of her forces, yea, 
almost of the special character of the objects that are surveyed. When, for 
instance, the ej e rests upon the surface of some mighty plain, covered with 
a monotonous vegetation, or loses itself in the horizon of a boundless 
ocean, whose waves are rippling softly to the shore, and strewing the 
beach with sea-weed, the feeling of free nature penetrates the mind, and an 
obscure intimation of her endurance in conformity with inherent ever- 
lasting laws, takes possession of the soul. In such emotions there dwells a 
mysterious power; they are exciting, yet composing; they strengthen and 
quicken the jaded intellect; they soothe the spirit, painfully commoved by 
the wild impulses of passion. All of earnest and of solemn that dwells 
with us, is derived from the almost unconscious sentiment of the -exalted 
order and sublime regularity of nature ; from the perception of unity of 
plan, amidst eternally recurring variety of form for in the most excep- 
tional forms of organization, the general is still faithfully reflected : and 
from the contrast betwixt the sensuous infinite, and the particular finite, 
from which we seek to escape. In every climate of the globe, wherever the 
varying forms of animal and vegetable life present themselves, in every 
grade of intellectual eminence are these beneficent influences vouchsafed to 
man.' Pp. 6, 7. 



12 Humboldt's Kosmoi. 

He passes on to a different character of beauty. 

' If I might here, for a moment, yield to my own recollections of grand 
natural scenery, I would revert to the ocean, under the softness of a tropical 
night, with the vault ofheaven pouring down its planetary and steady, not 
twinkling, starlight upon the heaving surface of the world of waters ; or I 
would call to mind the wooded vallies of the Cordilleras, where, instinct 
with power, the lofty palm-trees break through the dark canopy of foliage 
below, and rising like columns, support "another wood above the woods," 
or, I transport myself to the Peake of Teneriffe, and see the cone cut off 
from the earth beneath by a dense mass of clouds, suddenly becoming visible 
through an opening pierced by an upward current of air, and the edge of the 
crater looking down upon the vine-clad hills of Orotava, and the Hesperidian 
gardens that line the shore. In scenes like these it is no longer the still 
creative life of nature, her peaceful strivings and doings that address us; it 
is the individual character of the landscape, a combination of the outlines 
of cloud and sky, and sea and coast, sleeping in the morning or the evening 
light ; it is the beauty of the forms of the vegetable world, and their group- 
ings, that appeal to us ; for the immeasurable, and even the awful in 
nature all that surpasses our powers of comprehension becomes a source 
of enjoyment in a romantic country. Fancy brings into play her creative 
powers upon all that cannot be fully attained by the senses, and her work- 
ings take a new direction with each varying emotion in the mind of the 
observer. .Deceived, we imagine that we receive from the external world 
what we ourselves bestow.' Pp. 8, 9. 

Many curious facts, elicited by the accuracy of modern ob- 
servation, will probably meet the unscientific reader for the 
first time in Humboldt's pages. Such, for instance, are the exact 
distances from the earth of the two fixed stars, whose parallax 
has been lately determined. From a star in the constellation of 
the Centaur in the Southern hemisphere, and another in Cyg- 
nus, high above our heads in the milky way, light passes to the 
earth in about three years, and nine years and a quarter respec- 
tively. The representation of the Zodiacal light, as a great 
luminous ring revolving in its proper course around the sun, 
of the periodical autumnal phenomenon of shooting stars, as the 
passage of the earth across the orbit of a stream of countless 
asteroids, which ignite as they cleave the atmosphere of our 
planet, and are sometimes actually drawn within its attraction, 
and fall upon its surface in thunderbolts, or meteors, or showers 
of stones, thus subjecting to our touch, our measurement, our 
chemical analysis, the production of a world beyond us, a stranger 
from the realms of space, the marvellous recurrence of comets, 
whose enormous orbits (one of which requires a period of 8,800 
years for its accomplishment) are yet checked and controlled in 
their remotest distances by the pervading power of the sun, and 
therefore even in those distant regions, approach not the systems 
ruled by the attraction of other stars: these, and many similar 
reflections, gratify the mind by the acquisition, or stimulate it 
in the enjoyment of knowledge. There is a striking passage 
in relation to these last-mentioned phenomena, the Comets, 



Humboldfs Kosmos. 13 

a race of beings, according to Kepler, more numerous in 
the depths of space than fishes in the bosom of the ocean, 
(p. 107,) exhibiting the mutual action and reaction of science 
and popular feeling ; the Contemptuous air of the former, and the 
ingenuity with which the latter contrives to extract its favourite 
food even from the theories of its adversary. 

'Since scientific acquirements, some solid, by the side of much superficial 
learning, have penetrated in wider circles into social life, the fears of the 
possible evils wherewith comets threaten us have increased in weight, and 
their direction has become more definite. The certainty of there being 
several periodical comets within the known planetary orbits, visiting us at 
short intervals ; the considerable perturbations which Jupiter and Saturn 
cause in their paths, whereby apparently harmless wanderers of the sky may 
be converted into peril-fraught bodies ; the orbit of Biela's comet passing 
through that of the earth ; the existence of a cosmical aether, that resisting 
and retarding fluid which tends to contract the orbits of all the planetary 
bodies ; the individual differences in the bodies of comets which permit us 
to suspect considerable gradations in the quantity of the mass of the nu- 
cleus ; all these circumstances amply replace, in multiplicity of grounds, the 
dread which, in former centuries, was entertained of flaming swords, and 
an universal conflagration to be lighted up by fiery stars. 

' As the grounds for confidence derivable from the doctrine of proba- 
bilities only operate on the understanding, are only of avail among the 
reflecting, and produce no effect on gloomy apprehension and imagination, 
modern science has been charged, not altogether without reason, with 
seeking to allay the fears which it has itself created. It is a principle laid 
deeply in the desponding nature of man, in his inherent disposition to view 
things on the dark rather than on the bright side, that the unexpected, the 
extraordinary, excites fear, not hope or joy. The strange aspect of a 
mighty comet, its pale nebulous gleam, its sudden appearance in the heavens, 
have in all countries, and almost at all times, been held as portentous indi- 
cations of change or dissolution of the old-established order of things. And 
then, as the apparition is never more than short-lived, arises the belief that 
its significance must be reflected in contemporaneous or immediately suc- 
ceeding events. And such is the enchainment of events, that some par- 
ticular incident scarcely fails to turn up which can be fixed upon as the 
calamity prognosticated. It is only in these times that a spirit of greater 
hopefulness, in connexion with the appearance of comets, has shown itself 
among the people. In the beautiful valleys of the Rhine, and the Moselle, 
ever since the appearance of the brilliant comet of 1811, comets have been 
regarded as exerting a favourable influence on the ripening of the grape ; 
nor have various years of indifferent vintage, along with the appearance of 
other comets, instances of which have not been wanting, been able to shake 
the faith of the wine-growers of the north of Germany in their beneficial 
influences.' Pp. 121, 122. 

He subjoins in a note ; 

' A not very fortunate argument for the beneficent nature of comets occurs 
in Seneca, who speaks (Nat. Quaest. vii. 17 &21) of the comet, " Quern nos 
Neronis principatu laetissimo vidimus, et qui comelis dextrait infamiam." " 

The nebular theory, which supposes the bright mists, dis- 
cernible only by the aid of the telescope, to be primordial 
world-ether, not yet consolidated into astral systems, is already 
familiar to many through the adventurous speculations of the 



14 Humboldt's Kosmos, 

' Vestiges of Creation.' Humboldt unhesitatingly assumes 
this theory, which is, we believe, rather deficient in proof, than 
improbable. 

' As in our woods,' he writes, ' we observe the same kind of tree in every 
stage of growth at the same time, and from this view, this co-existence, 
derive the impression of progressive vital development ; so do we, in the 
mighty garden of the universe, recognise different stages in the progressive 
formation of stars.' P. 89. 

This view requires, however, to be modified in a very striking 
manner. Alluding to the time required for the passage of light 
from the distant bodies of the heavens to our own planet, Avhich 
renders it impossible for us to obtain, so to speak, a view of 
their contemporary condition, he proceeds : 

' Such incidents in the universe belong, however, in their historical reality, 
to other times than those in which the phenomenon of light notify their 
commencement to the inhabitants of the earth ; they are the voices of the 
past which reach us. It has been well said, that with our mighty tele- 
scopes, we penetrate at once into space, and into time. We measure the 
former by the latter, the latter by the former ; an hour of travel for the 
ray of light is one hundred and forty-eight millions of geographical miles 
passed through. Whilst the dimensions of the universe are expressed in 
the theogony of Hesiod, by the fall of heavy bodies " the brazen anvil falls 
in no more than nine days and nine nights from heaven to earth." Herschel, 
the Father, believed " that the light of the farthest nebulae, which his forty- 
feet reflector showed him, took about two millions of years to reach the 
earth." Much, therefore, has long disappeared, much has already been 
otherwise arranged, before it becomes visible to us. The aspect of the 
starry heavens presents us with evidences of diversity hi point of time ; and 
diminish as we will the millions, or even thousands of years, which serve 
us as measures for the distance of the unresolvable nebulae with their soft 
lustre, and of the resolvable nebula? with their twilight gleamings, bring 
them as close to us as we may, it still remains more than probable, from 
the knowledge we have of the velocity of light, that the light of the remote 
celestial bodies offers the oldest sensible evidence of the existence of matter. 
So rises reflecting man, from his stance on simple premises, to solemn and 
noble views of natural formations, to the deep fields of space, where flooded 
with everlasting light "Myriads of worlds spring up like the grass of the 
night.'" Pp. 163, 164. 

The nebulae, which our telescopes disclose to us as formless 
masses, are now, it may be, rolling in their perfect course, sys- 
tems of worlds organized and orderly as that which we inhabit, 
as those starry heavens which rivet the gaze of our unassisted 
sight. We see them, not as they are, but as they were when 
we were chaos. Engaged in the contemplation of them, we are 
as it were placed ' in the Beginning,' before the Spirit moved 
upon the face of the waters. In the weary age of the world, 
after the silent lapse of uncounted cycles, we may still travel 
back along the vistas of time, and in them behold with our eyes 
the first rude matter, fresh from its Maker's fiat, the contem- 
porary records of our own creation. 



Humboldt's Kosmos. 15 

It must be confessed that the details become less intelligible, 
and therefore less interesting, when we descend from the 
celestial phenomena to the terraqueous globe. There all is grand 
and simple, here we are plunged into a whirl of multifarious 
forces. 

'The exclusion of every appreciable circumstance referrible to diversity 
of material, simplifies the mechanism of the heavens in a remarkable 
manner ; it brings the infinite realms of space under the sole dominion of 
the laws of motion.' (P. 60.) ' But where our dynamic views, which are 
based on figurative atomic premises, no longer suffice us, because the 
specific nature of matter, and its heterogeneousness come into play ; we 
find ourselves striking suddenly upon reefs that rise from fathomless 
depths, when we strive after unity of comprehension.' (P. 68.) ' It is 
only in our own earth that immediate vicinity brings us into contact with 
the various elements of organic and inorganic creation. Here the garner of 
matter, in its multifarious diversity, in its endlessness of admixture, and 
modification, and change, in the ever-varying play of forces evoked, presents 
the spirit with its proper food; the joys of investigation, the unbounded 
field of observation, which, cultivating and strengthening the faculty of 
thought, gives to the intellectual sphere of man's existence a portion of its 
grandeur, of its sublimity. The world of sensible phenomena reflects 
itself in the deeps of the ideal world; the abundance of nature, the mass of 
things discernible, passes gradually into the domain of knowledge approved 
by reason.' P. 168. 

But the same abundance of material which provides variety, 
entails also difficulty and obscurity. The language of geology 
and meteorology, sciences too young as yet to have won their 
way by metaphor or illustration into the dialect of common life, 
sounds more strange to our ears than the comparatively familiar 
terms of astronomy. Isothermal and isochimenal lines convey 
less vivid ideas than orbits and ecliptics : the telescope is a more 
intelligible instrument than the psychrometer. Perhaps the most 
remarkable fact we can select from this department is that of 
the luminous nature of the earth. We are prepared to admit 
the capability of all the planetary masses to reflect the light of 
the sun ; but many of us will probably be startled by the intima- 
tion that these are self-luminous bodies, shining not only with 
a reflected, but with a proper light; and that among them 
the earth itself, dull, dark mass as it seems to us who tread its 
surface, emits a splendour of its own, which we may sometimes 
admire in the northern lights, or yet more frequently in the 
flashes of summer lightning. 

' What gives this phenomenon [the Northern Light] its greatest impor- 
tance is the fact which it reveals, viz. that the earth is luminous ; that our 
planet, besides the light which it receives from the central body, the sun, 
shows itself capable of a proper luminous act or process. The intensity of 
the earth-light, or rather the degree of luminosity which it diffuses, exceeds 
by a little, in the case of the brightest coloured rays that shoot up to the 
zenith, the light of the moon in her first quarter. Occasionally, as on the 



16 Humboldfs Kcsmos. 

7th of January, 1831, a printed page can be read without straining the 
sight. This light-process of the earth, which the Polar regions exhibit 
almost incessantly, leads us by analogy to the remarkable phenomenon 
which the planet Venus presents. The portion of this planet which is not 
illuminated by the sun, glows occasionally with a proper phosphorescent 
gleam. It is not improbable that the Moon, Jupiter, and Comets, besides 
the reflected sun-light recogniseable by the polariscope, also emit light 
produced by themselves. Without insisting on the problematical but very 
common phenomenon of sheet-lightning, in which the whole of a deep massy 
cloud is flickeringly illuminated for several minutes at a time, we find other 
examples of terrestrial evolutions of light. To this head belong the cele- 
brated dry fogs of 1783 and 1831, which were luminous by night; the steady 
luminousness of large clouds, perfectly free from all flickering, observed by 
Rosier and Beccaria ; and even the pale, diffused light, as Arago has well 
observed, which serves to guide us in the open air, in thickly clouded 
autumn and wintry nights, when there is neither moon nor star in the fir- 
mament, nor snow upon the ground. As in the phenomenon of the Polar 
lights occurring in high northern latitudes, in other words, in electro-mag- 
netic storms, floods of flickering and often parti-coloured light stream 
through the air, so, in the hotter zones of the earth, between the tropics, 
are there many thousand square miles of. ocean which are similarly light- 
engendering. Here, however, the magic of the light belongs to the organic 
forces of nature. Light-foaming flashes the bursting wave, the wide level 
glows with lustrous sparks, and every spark is the vital motion of an in- 
visible animal world. So manifold is the source of terrestrial light. And 
shall we conceive it latent, not yet set free in vapours, as a means of ex- 
plaining Moser's pictures, a discovery in which reality still presents itself 
to us as a vision shrouded in mystery?' Pp. 210, 211. 

We have lingered over Humboldt's amusing details, and glowing 
descriptions, loth to enter on the unpleasing but necessary task 
of marking with unequivocal distinctness that spirit of error, 
which, alas ! it requires no other learning than a Christian edu- 
cation to detect. Confident in that, no false modesty should 
restrain our censure; nurtured in the Divine testimonies, we 
may not shrink from seeming 'wiser than the aged,' from 
claiming 'more understanding than our teachers.' The writer 
who has so clearly traced the laws, so keenly felt, and so vividly 
portrayed the sweet influences and the magnificent expansions of 
creation, refuses the aid of his powerful voice to swell the hymn 
of gratitude to the Creator. Mankind, he consistently tells us, 
(p. 391,) 'exists for the accomplishment of this single end, THE 

' FREE DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNAL POWER. This IS the 6X- 

' treme, the ultimate purpose of the social state.' With him 
the universe itself is a living, self-existent, eternal Being, a 
mighty, indestructible monster, whose gigantic limbs reach out 
on every side, and ramify into the ten thousand times ten 
thousand forms of organic and inorganic existence. So heavy 
an accusation ought to be supported by sufficient proof: and 
though, from the nature of the work, which professes to be a 
Picture, rather than a History a delineation of the existing, 
rather than of the coining into existence of that which is, 



Humboldfs Kosmos. 17 

rather than of that which caused it to be such views are more 
often occasionally revealed, than determinately stated, yet we 
fear the few passages we are about to quote will leave no doubt 
on the reader's mind: 

'Nature is no dead aggregate; she is "to the inspired inpuirer," (as 
Schelling grandly expresses himself, in his admirable Discourse on the Fine 
Arts,) "the holy, the eternally creative prime mover of the universe, en- 
gendering and evolving all things out of her pregnant self!" ' P. 41. 

Nor is this notion limited by the boundaries of the material 
world : 

'The unity attainable in such a history of creation as I propose to 
exhibit, is no more than that which historical representations in general 
can hope to achieve. Details, whether as to the form or arrangement of 
natural things, no more than in reference to the struggles of man with the 
elements, or the wars of one nation against another all, in short, that falls 
within the sphere of mutability and true accident, cannot be derived or 
built up from a priori conceptions. The natural history of the earth, and 
universal history, consequently, stand on the same grade of the empirical 
ladder; but a luminous treatment of either, a rational arrangement of 
natural phenomena, and of historical incidents, impresses us deeply with a 
belief in an old inherent necessity, which rules all the operations both of 
the spiritual and material forces within circles eternally reproduced, and 
only periodically contracted or enlarged. This necessity, indeed, is the very 
essence of nature ; it is nature herself, in the two spheres of her being 
the material and the spiritual and it leads to clearness and simplicity of 
view, to the discovery of laws which, in experimental science, present 
themselves as the ultimate term in human inquiries.' P. 33. 

Creation can be allowed only as a figurative expression: 

' In the narrowness of our knowledge of original productions, in the 
figurative language with which this circumscription of view is concealed, we 
designate as new creations the historical phenomena of change in the organ- 
isms, as in the tenancy of the primeval waters, and of the uplifted dry 
land.' P. 289. 

As a reality it is unphilosophical to contemplate it ; we may 
not venture to suppose a time when the world was not. 

' That which, in the circles of life, and in all the internal impulsive forces 
of the universe, fetters us so unspeakably, is less the recognition of Being, 
than of what is about to be ; even though the latter be nothing more than 
a new condition of matter already extant ; for of prcper creation as an 
efficient act, of a protogenesis of matter, of entity succeeding nonentity, we 
have neither conception nor experience.' P. 89. 

It is true that these expressions may perhaps admit of an expla- 
nation; that it is possible, though we think scarcely likely, for these 
and similar passages to have issued from a religious and Christian 
mind. Assuredly, however, such a mind would have left its 
impress too vividly on other pages of the work to allow a doubt 
to remain concerning the character of its author: or if one 
selection of sentences seemed to condemn him, we should be 
able to produce another set, which would, at least as strongly, 

NO. LIU. N. s. c 



18 Humboldt's Kosmos. 

demand his acquittal. If the circumstantial evidence of particular 
pages seemed strong against him, we might summon the general 
tone of the volume to speak to his character. But what favour- 
able construction can be allowed, where this is wanting ? What 
shall be said of the author, who can write passages like those 
we have just cited, while he has carefully suppressed every 
allusion to a Divine Ruler, on a theme so pregnant with His 
Presence? Endowed beyond his fellow-men with an eye to 
behold the order and symmetry of the world, and a heart vibrating 
to its sympathies, he treads as it were in solemn procession 
from scene to scene of its glories ; yet we listen in vain for the 
involuntary burst of awe, of wonder, of love, which should issue 
from a Christian's lips. Is not silence itself, in such a case, too 
clear a witness? could any one who felt, refrain from giving 
vent to the conclusion : 

' These are Thy glorious works, Parent of Good, 
Almighty ! Thine this universal frame 
So wondrous fair ! Thyself how wondrous then ! ' 

As a logical sequence of the same debasing views, we find life 
itself materialized. ' All myths,' he writes (p. 69,) 'about im- 
' ponderable matters, and special vital forces inherent in organized 
* beings, only render views of nature perplexed and indistinct ;' 
and again, (p. 86,) 'the life which in both [sea and land] is 
evolved as cellular tissue in plants and animals.' If we may 
trust Dr. Whewell (Philosophy of Inductive Sciences, vol. ii.) 
Humboldt is, in this instance, even behind the existing state of 
science. He has chosen to adhere to an effete dogma, rather than 
allow the progress of knowledge to lead him into the presence of 
the Immaterial. For Dr. Whewell labours to secure to the Idea 
of Life the same distinctness and peculiarity, the same simple, 
unresolvable mode of conception, as that which is acknowledged 
to belong to the other leading ideas of Statical force, of 
Chemical composition, or of Polarity. The theories which re- 
present Life as a mechanical or chemical action, or as the result 
of a pervading vital fluid, are severally discussed by him and 
dismissed as the inadequate efforts through which the human 
mind straggles to embrace a conception as yet unapprehended. 
These are the steps by which the new Idea is reached; the 
scaffolding by means of which Philosophy has striven to build 
up its definition. Yet it is, apparently, in one of these expiring 
theories that the author of Kosmos has determined to repose. 
This is the final resting-place of the leader in the vanguard of 
science, the earliest herald of each successive triumph, 
'The heir of all the ages in the foremost files of time.' 

Fair, candid, and open to conviction in every minor detail, he 
refuses to admit those ideas alone, which give life and meaning 



HumboldCs Kcsmos. 19 

to the material universe, which alone confer upon it that ' Order * 
which he would fain delineate. 

We are sometimes apt to be dissatisfied with our own natural 
philosophers. Their words sound to our ears harsh and irreverent; 
their theories seem to hover too carelessly upon the frontiers of 
Holy Writ : but if we turn to them from some of the continental 
speculators, we must acknowledge a deep debt of gratitude to 
that Christian education, which happily still pervades our semi- 
naries, and regulates in some measure the tone of the public 
mind. The burst of popular indignation that every now and 
then lights on the head of some ill-fated theory, drawn forth 
from the comparative obscurity of philosophical discussion by 
the attractions of a popular writer, or the patronage of a dis- 
tinguished name, is a healthy symptom, though often singularly 
misdirected. It discloses, at least, a substratum of Christian 
feeling, a consciousness that there are Truths more precious than 
those which are shrined in the material universe, Laws more 
sacred than those which regulate the visible phenomena of earth 
and sky. And with us the popular will is equally omnipotent 
and perverse, alike for good and for evil. Woe to the unhappy 
author, whose vagaries chance to awaken the slumbering lion: 
like the stricken deer, he will meet with no shelter among the 
yet unwounded herd. Far from venturing to oppose the popular 
outcry, our physical writers are themselves forced to disclaim 
and denounce their luckless comrade. Within the last few 
months the author of the ' Vestiges of Creation ' found his most 
formidable and most bitter adversaries among the ranks of those, 
whose geological theories had but recently drawn down on them- 
selves a similar storm of public indignation. We scarcely wish 
to deprecate these freaks of our despotic Demus ; in the 
strength, and, on the whole, the soundness of public opinion lies 
our safeguard : even the philosophic circles are influenced by it, 
and in some measure follow its lead in the general direction of 
their pursuits. To this we probably owe the perpetual struggle 
to avert in this country that dissociation between Religion and 
Science, which has so unhappily prevailed in many cases on the 
continent. 

The cause of Natural Religion, already familiar to the public 
notice through Paley's well-known work, has received more 
lately its full tribute at the hands of Science, in the entertaining 
volumes of the Bridgewater Treatises. So complete, indeed, 
has been the union, as to risk the absorption of one of the con- 
tracting parties ; for it has suggested a temptation to repose the 
whole proof upon this single argument; a mode of procedure 
by which the ally is converted into the master : for we should 
never overlook the intellectual and moral necessity for some 

c 2 



20 Humboldt's Kosmos. 

species of natural theology, to which our hearts bear a clearer 
testimony than the surrounding wonders of creation : a necessity 
which even the great German metaphysician was compelled to 
acknowledge when he proclaimed, as the three primary realities, 
God, the World, and the Soul. Or, if the clearness and com- 
pleteness of the argument from design (which, however, 
the same great authority renounces as inadequate), seem to 
supersede the necessity of laboriously collecting these other 
threads, we have but to cast an eye on the work which has 
given rise to these observations, to recollect and amend our 
error. With such an example of infidelity before us, in a case 
where both the material of the argument has been so much 
enlarged, and the connexion of its parts so fully appreciated, 
there is no need to evoke the schools of pagan ages ; to observe 
that the philosopher whose physical theories have been most often 
verified by the researches of modern science, was an Epicurean ; or 
that the same premises this visible world, arched over by the 
varying canopy of heaven, and adorned by the mutually dependent 
tribes of plants and animals but too often failed to establish 
those conclusions in the minds of heathen multitudes, which, to 
the Christian moralist, appear inevitable. Surely, when the 
Apostle argued that 'the invisible things of Him from the 

* creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the 

* things that are made, even His eternal Power and Godhead,' he 
meant not to exclude from the argument those moral wants, 
those yearnings after truth and rectitude, which stir the soul of 
man like the dim recollections of a happier clime. For if the 
Power, the Wisdom, and the Benevolence of the Creator, may 
be surely traced in His material workmanship, marred though it 
be by the intruding will of Man, yet how can we gather from 
this alone the lesson of His spotless Holiness, His unerring 
Justice, His ineffable Mercy ? Far be it from us to depreciate 
the true value of the evidences furnished by the visible creation ; 
but we must not measure their intrinsic worth by the effect pro- 
duced by them on our minds, predisposed as we are in their 
favour, and already imbued with the conclusion they profess to 
prove. They afford much collateral assistance, spread over a 
field of indefinite extent, and might, we think, be made* a 
valuable means of supplying continual and stimulating sustenance 
to a devotional frame of mind. It is only when removed from 
their true position, and arrogating to themselves the sole cham- 
pionship of Religion, that we look upon them with distrust. 
Admit tliis claim, and the inferences which follow are only too 
clear and consecutive. ]f these be the sole grounds of Religion, 
we can allow none but Xatural Religion ; and even that must 
be shorn of its moral attributes, and pared down to a barren and 



Humboldt's Kosmos. 21 

cheerless assent to the naked existence of a Creative Intelli- 
gence, or a mere Architect of pre-existent matter. 

But while Natural Religion has received so ample an acknow- 
ledgment from the inferior sciences, the same homage has not 
been accorded, or at least not in the same systematic form, to 
Revelation. To its proof, of course, they cannot be directed ; 
to its elucidation and illustration, they may afford valuable 
assistance. The Inspired Records, though in their general tenour 
directed to far other ends than the enunciation of scientific 
truths, yet sometimes, from the very construction of language, 
seem unavoidably to imply occasionally, by the substance of 
the narrative, directly to assert some fact or theory of physics. 
What are these facts and theories? How do they accord with 
the results of recent investigation ? are the anxious questions 
which have doubtless occurred to many a mind whose sensitive 
devotion has shrunk from embodying in words these intruding 
and alarming thoughts. A suspicious ignorance, or a paradoxical 
denial, are the dangerous resources of a determination to avoid 
the unwelcome discussion. From the consideration of the many 
points of greater or less importance, in which the course of the 
Inspired Narrative intersects the paths of the physical sciences, 
some have been led to reject the one, or refuse to entertain the 
other, in neither case without serious injury to that pure love 
of Truth, which burns but dimly in the atmosphere of an 
uncandid or a prejudiced mind ; while others have acquiesced in 
some vague but impossible notion of a double range of know- 
ledge, by which two distinct spheres of thought may pursue 
within the same breast their independent orbits. With a subtle 
distinction, they pretend to analyse their minds, and claim to 
hold one set of opinions as philosophers, while they believe 
another as Christians. Such a view, not, we fear, uncommon, 
though evidently unable to endure for a single moment the 
searching glance of dispassionate reflection, is as destructive, 
ultimately, of all practical honesty, as it is incompatible with 
any deep feeling of the reality of Revealed Truth. The mind 
that dares not turn its gaze upon its own action, has lost the 
very compass of life, and, by the refusal to take cognizance of its 
subject, has, as it were, virtually abdicated its throne. If reason 
can still maintain a fancied sovereignty, it is only by declining to 
issue her commands. Where a difficulty is felt, it is essential that 
it should be not vanquished, for that may, perhaps, require 
higher powers than are producible but acknowledged. This is, 
at least, the first step the remark is true to a proverb towards 
overcoming it. If this be neglected, it lies upon the system with 
the perpetual pressure of an intellectual nightmare, clogging 
every effort with the dead weight of conscious insincerity. 



22 Ilttmboldt's Kosmos. 

The only popular work in which any general discussion of the 
particular difficulty that has led to these remarks has been 
attempted, is, we believe, Sharon Turner's Sacred History of 
the World. This is a work full of pleasing information, and one 
which will probably be often read, or at least glanced over, with 
interest and amusement : but we do not think it supplies the 
special deficiency on which we have been insisting: for, in 
order to have any real satisfaction in the result of an investiga- 
tion, we must have reason to believe that it has been conducted 
on independent grounds. We cannot but distrust an argument 
in which the premises are evidently selected with a view to the 
predetermined conclusion. A ratiocination of this description 
reminds us too forcibly of the oracular citizen in Mr. Taylor's 
Isaac Comnenus : * Then having come to the conclusion, which 
is with us, as it were, the ground and beginning of the argu- 
ment, it behoves us to look to the reasons, which are, as I may 
say, the ways and means of coming to the conclusion. For if 
you fall to without knowing the reasons, you'll be held for no 
better than brute beasts ; since all your wise men, look ye, 
when they are resolved upon a thing, have ever sought out the 
reasons before they began.' An author who is sure of his 
conclusion upon other grounds than those which he produces, 
may be in the possession of the truth, and may be justified in 
his own acceptance of it ; but we feel that he has no right to 
endeavour to convince us by reasons which have plainly had no 
share in satisfying him. We do not doubt his conclusion ; we 
only deny the sufficiency of the erections he has thrown up to 
support it. Mr. Turner's volumes appear to us to lie open to 
this objection. He commences with the first chapter of Genesis, 
and grafts on every sentence of it, verse after verse, just so 
much science as he thinks the text will bear. As a certain 
measure of water Avill only hold in solution a definite quantity 
of salt, refusing to admit into its composition whatever is at- 
tempted to be infused beyond this quantum ; so we seem to see 
this author pouring out gradually and cautiously the stream of 
knowledge, till verse after verse is saturated with science, and 
dismissed. The work which results from this process may be 
amusing as a piece of popular physics, edifying as a series of 
religious thoughts, valuable, perhaps, as a scientific commentary; 
but as an endeavour to adjust and reconcile the conflicting claims 
of Science and Revelation it must be nearly useless. This end 
can only be effected by a complete collection of the admitted 
results or general tendencies of each particular science, and a 
careful comparison with the passages of Scripture which seem 
to bear upon the same range of subjects. 

This has been in part most ably performed by Dr. Wiseman, 



HumboldCs Kosmos. 23 

in his ' Lectures on the Connexion between Science and Re- 
vealed Religion ;' and some portions, as Ethnography, and the 
Natural History of the Human Race, have probably received 
from him as full a discussion as the existing state of science 
either demands, or indeed allows of. But so rapid is the advance 
of knowledge in the present day, so versatile and so indefati- 
gable her votaries, that such a work would be more fitly dis- 
charged in the recurring pages of a periodical, or by the con- 
tinuous labours of a special professor, than by the publication of 
a single book. Ten years only have elapsed since Dr. Wiseman 
wrote ; but they are enough to make us sensible of several blanks 
in his work. Geology still looks for its expositor ; the old rage 
for constructing theories of the earth has revived on a wider 
scale, and is supported by more specious reasonings. And the 
too evident causes, which are likely (now, more than ever) to 
prevent any very general circulation of Dr. Wiseman's book in 
England, make us very desirous to see a fresh work on this 
subject, from a member of our own communion. A fair and 
calm survey of the results hitherto attained by science in its 
several departments, not culled with a partial hand to adorn the 
brow of Religion, but giving an honest picture of its actual 
claims, and boldly confronted with the seemingly hostile truths 
of Revelation, is a work that yet remains to be done, and one 
that well deserves the attention of the Christian philosopher of 
the nineteenth century. 

The general principles on which such an inquiry must pro- 
ceed, are gradually working their way to the surface. The 
prejudices, which have too often weakened the defence of Re- 
ligion, by raising the cry of infidelity on insufficient grounds, 
are wearing away ; the ground is cleared for the erection of an 
adequate theory. The shock and conflict of opinion, which has 
been raging so fiercely of late years, has at least opened the 
way to the reception of wider and more general views than were 
wont to be entertained. The illiterate or unpractised intellect 
is apt to identify its own impressions with the objects they 
represent ; and to resent any attempt to modify the former, as 
if it were a direct attack upon the latter. Its own conceptions 
are thus invested with the sanctity of Inspiration : and a new 
theory is measured, not so much by the words of Holy Writ, as 
by the notions, often vague and indistinct, which each man has 
fashioned to himself from his own perusal of it, or passively 
received at the hands of some favourite preacher or commentator, 
or unconsciously imbibed from the circumambient atmosphere of 
prevalent opinion. Thus the illimitable universality of Divine 
Truth is circumscribed within the narrow horizon of the particular 
mind. It is in fact the received popular ideas of the time for which 



24 Htimboldt's Kosmos. 

opponents of this description are contending. Dr. Whewell has 
well observed in his History of the Inductive Sciences, (vol. i. 
p. 402,) that ' the meaning which any generation puts upon the 
' phrases of Scripture, depends, more than is atfirst sight supposed, 
' upon the received philosophy of the time. Hence, while men 
' imagine that they are contending for revelation, they are, in fact, 
' contending for their own interpretation of revelation, unconsci- 

* ously adapted to what they belie veto be rationally probable. And 

* the new interpretation, which the new philosophy requires, and 
' which appears to the older school to be a fatal violence done to 
' the authority of religion, is accepted by their successors with- 
' out the dangerous results which were apprehended. When 

* the language of Scripture, invested with its new meaning, has 
' become familiar to men, it is found that the ideas which it calls 
' up, are quite as reconcileable as the former ones were, with 

* the soundest religious views.' And Dr. Wiseman has remarked 
that the very phraseology of Scripture will be sometimes found 
to countenance a view, which at first sight seemed rather to be 
opposed to it. Thus, in reference to the geological theory, 
which considers the earth as a burning mass, crusted over with 
a cooler surface, which is occasionally upheaved in some parts 
into mountain-ridges, while it subsides in others into ocean- 
basins, through the unquiet tossings of the boiling matter 
within, he observes, (vol. i. p. 314,) f that from the sacred words 
' themselves we learn, that, to limit the ocean within its bed, 

* " the mountains ascend, and the valleys descend, into the place 

* which God has founded for them ; He has placed (them) as a 

* barrier which they (the waters) shall not pass, nor return to 
' cover the earth." 1 Again, the formation of mountains is 
'spoken of as distinct from that of the earth. "Before the 

* mountains were brought forth, or the earth was born." 2 

* Another remarkable passage seems graphically to describe the 
' effects of this consuming principle : " Fire shall be kindled in 

* my wrath, and it shall burn into the lowest abyss (grave or 

* hell) ; it shall eat the earth and its produce, and shall burn up 

* the foundations of the mountains." ' 3 Another instance of the 
same kind is found in the general accordance of the progressive 
series of organized remains furnished by the several strata, with 
the successive operations of the six days' creation : while the 
long period which the view suggested by this accordance re- 
quires us to assign to each day of creation, finds an analogy in 
the length of time already elapsed since its completion a cyclical 
Sabbath, during which the Creative Power has even now 'rested 
from all His w r ork which He had made,' for nearly six thousand 

1 Ps. civ. 8,9. 2 Ps. xc. 2. 3 Deut. x>xi. 22. 



Humboldfs Kosmos. 55 

years, albeit in another sense 'hitherto working,' (John v. 17) 
in the constant labour of conservation. 

The first point, then, which in every new dispute requires 
most careful and dispassionate consideration, is the question of 
fact, whether there be any real opposition to the words of Holy 
Writ. This is most necessary, but it is far from being the whole. 
We shall be disappointed, if we flatter ourselves that every 
apparent verbal opposition will melt away into nothing on 
examination. For it cannot be denied, that at least one import- 
ant science speaks a language at variance with the phrase of 
Scripture. The Copernican theory, forming, as it does, the 
basis of our modern astronomy a science which claims to itself 
a certainty and precision scarcely second to that of the pure 
mathematics, is opposed to the whole system of that phrase- 
ology, which represents the sun and stars as circling around our 
stable planet. ' The sun stood still in the midst of heaven,' 
(Josh. x. 13.) 'It goeth forth from the uttermost part of the 
heaven, and runneth about unto the end of it again,' (Ps. xix.) 
are phrases which the modern astronomer cannot receive as 
literally true, though he may admit that they express substantial 
facts. What if they are not scientifically correct? is the obvious 
and natural reply. These are words which even now the his- 
torian or the poet would employ in similar descriptions ; they 
are cast in the only mould which could then have been at all 
intelligible. Had the inspired writer spoken of the temporary 
arrest of the earth's diurnal revolution, how meaningless would 
his words have fallen on the ears of his Hebrew comrades ! how 
strangely would they have sounded for three thousand years ! 
how foreign would they seem even now to the large masses of un- 
educated poor, how comparatively powerless to stir the heart, 
and kindle the imagination, even of those who could acknowledge 
their scientific accuracy! It is the language of men, not of 
astronomers, that the Bible utters. All this is most true, and 
to many, most satisfactory ; but though it admits of no refuta- 
tion, it may, perhaps, require analysis. For it amounts to an 
admission, that all language is but the vehicle of thought, the 
channel, uncostly in itself, which derives its value and honour 
from the precious liquid it conveys. Again we seem to be 
stating a truism ; but are all its consequences so unhesitatingly 
admitted, as to render the enumeration of them a needless task? 
Does it not entail on us the necessity of a most hazardous 
distinction between sense and word, spirit and letter, which, by 
admitting, even in a single instance, we are never again at 
liberty to withhold? Or is the guiding rule, so impossible to be 
expressed in theory, not difficult to be applied in practice ? Let 
us consider for a moment the general position of the contingent 



26 Ilumboldts Kosmos. 

value of all language ; the uncertainty and want of precision 
which necessarily attends it. We are familiar with the difficulty 
of transferring thoughts from one language to another by the 
process of translation : but this difficulty would be indefinitely 
reduced, if the precise meaning of each word, the conception 
for which it stands, were somewhat clear and defined, possessing 
a distinct position, and exact outline, wholly irrespective of the 
peculiar qualities of the mind in which it happened to be local- 
ised. If the verbal expression were so transparent as to allow 
us (so to speak,) to see the thought beneath it, as plainly as we 
discern near objects by our bodily eyesight, we could at once 
select the words which our own tongue had provided for the 
same ideas, or confidently pronounce its deficiency, if they were 
wanting. Such, however, is far from being the case ; and that 
we may not ascribe it to the mere power of habit entangling us 
with the fetters of a peculiar grammar, and preventing the ready 
appreciation of an unfamiliar sound, we may observe that a 
similar difficulty occurs, whenever the conversation is between 
persons, who, though natives of the same land, have been 
educated in any considerable difference of principle or belief. 
How different are the images which the same words conjure 
up in different minds ! how various (to use a phrase familiar to 
many of our readers) their connotations ! Language, like a 
semi-opaque glass, shows us the scene beyond, mingled with the 
reflection of our own features. We look on the printed page, 
we contemplate the sharp outline and certain form of the letters, 
and congratulate ourselves on the invention which has stereo- 
typed knowledge for all generations, and transfused the senti- 
ments of individuals into a thousand breasts. Yet who will 
venture to predict the absolute identity of the thoughts conveyed 
to any two readers through the medium of the same page? 
How cold and meaningless on the ear of one will fall the words 
that kindle another with the glow of enthusiasm ! Nay, how 
differently will the same man read them in his different moods ! 
In a more limited sense we may transfer to language what the 
poet sings of nature : 

' But any man that walks the mead, 
In bud, or blade, or bloom may find, 
According as his humours lead, 
A meaning suited to his mind.' 

How often do we find that a loose inaccurate conversation will 
convey a far more correct transcript of the mind, than the 
selected phrase of the most carefully-worded composition ! 
Language answers its end, if it conveys the required idea ; if 
this be effected, the verbal truth of the expression is absolutely 
indifferent. Alike to us and to the Jews of old, the words in 



Humboldt's Kosmos. 27 

Joshua speak of a great miracle a suspension of the ordinary 
laws of nature an arrest of the great bodies of our system in 
the accomplishment of their wonted courses. That this should 
be expressed in a calculus not precisely our own, but capable 
of an easy transference to it, is no more a matter of wonder, 
than that the narrative should have been related in the language 
of Shem rather than of Japhet. If the Hebrew race were 
chosen for the material on which the Divine attributes were to 
be displayed, it is surely no strange thing, if the medium of com- 
munication with the gentile world, whether contemporary or of 
later date, be tinctured with the mind, as well as expressed in 
the language, of that highly-favoured people. If we had been 
the chosen depositories of the sacred oracles, doubtless their form 
and language would have been different, though their substance 
must have been the same. 

Some such view as this, which we are compelled to adopt in 
explanation of the passages we have been considering, may be 
applied with equal justice to more litigated questions. It is a 
double-edged weapon ; and they who grasp it, will do well to 
guard against its recoil. If the geological requisitions for periods 
of many thousand years before the creation of man be deemed 
inconsistent with the words of Genesis, though we are far from 
admitting this to be the case, the description of the miracle 
of Joshua is not less incompatible with the generally admitted 
notions of astronomy. The creation of the sun upon the fourth, 
day is scarcely more opposed to the nebular hypothesis, than it 
is to the theory of the world-sustaining force of gravity. The 
conception of the earth's motion, under the idea of a body 
launched forth into space, but constrained by a counter force 
to move in its elliptic orbit, demands the pre-existence, or at 
least the simultaneous creation, of a central mass, scarcely less 
urgently than the theory which represents the planets as the 
condensed fragments of the rings from time to time thrown off 
from the cooling surface of a revolving world-ether. To 
assign to the earth the rank of the first-born of created things is 
alike fatal to either view. For we must not forget that if the 
sun be younger than the earth, the fixed stars can on the same 
grounds claim no priority. This text, in its literal construction, 
will crush with impartial foot the laws of gravity and the 
vortices of Descartes. There is often great unfairness in the 
way in which Revelation is turned upon Science. With the 
calm assurance of unconscious inconsistency, the same considera- 
tion is extended as a protecting mantle over some favoured 
propositions, while it becomes a wall of fire to exclude their 
kindred. When the bold speculators in the aeras of Geology, 
and the mysteries of pre- Adamite death, hurl the anathemas of 



28 flnmboldt's Kosmos. 

Scripture upon some rash, unauthorized intruder on their realm, 
we may be allowed to marvel at the sudden kindling of so much 
latent zeal. Wielded by such hands, the spear of Ithuriel be- 
comes a Lesbian rule. Any fair application of the principle of 
the absolute universality of Scripture teaching would crush the 
Copernican theory and the Newtonian system as effectually as 
the nebular hypothesis. It is a consistent and intelligible view, 
though one, which, we think, involves its defender in difficul- 
ties at least as great as those he flies from, which would boldly 
reject both alike as unscriptural, and restore the earth to its 
ancient place on the central throne of the universe : but to em- 
ploy against new propositions arguments which are equally fatal 
to those in which we are willing to acquiesce, is an absurd and 
untenable position. We are far from asserting that Scripture 
can throw no light on the paths of Science, or furnish no check 
or limit to its speculations. Some positions there are, which 
seem incompatible not merely with the words, but with the 
very heart and kernel of Revelation, some directly or indirectly 
appear to sap the whole structure of Christianity. Such is that 
idea of the eternity of the universe which we had to notice in 
Humboldt ; such perhaps are those speculations on the identity 
of the human race, which, if they tend to a denial of our com- 
mon descent from the first Adam, must also sever us from the 
Second. Where there is a plain contrariety in meaning, we 
must condemn ; where the opposition is only verbal, we should 
do well to hesitate. 

Time changes all things in his noiseless march ; and the gene- 
rations of men, fading like the leaves in rapid succession, will 
speak each in their own language, and think in their own 
thought. We refuse not to regard and allow for the distinctions 
of clime, and tongue, and race, which diversify the contemporary 
picture of mankind ; but we feel it difficult to lengthen out the 
same distinctions into the perspective of bygone ages. The far 
produced lines converge and run together in the undistinguish- 
able distance. Time from its very nature presents a peculiar 
difficulty to the effort at simultaneous conception. We can 
scarcely even by a conscious exertion put ourselves in relation 
with remote centuries, or make due allowance for the interval 
which must separate the structures of thought most proper to 
enshrine the same idea for the benefit of such widely-differing 
recipients. More refreshing is it to turn from the varying tem- 
ple to its enduring habitants, from the changing matter to the 
permanent impression; and to contemplate the same great 
truths, the guides, and hopes, and safeguards of life, shining with 
undiminished lustre through the accumulated mists of ages. Be 
the philosophy of creation what it may, we know as clearly as 



Humboldt's Kosmos. 29 

the Israelites, to whom Moses spoke, that it rose into gradual 
existence at the Creator's word. History may read the general 
course of empires, and science demonstrate the universal laws of 
matter, without impairing our conviction of the essential truths 
that He is the Judge, who putteth down one, and setteth up 
another that without Him not a sparrow falls to the ground, and 
that the very hairs of our head are all numbered. Still less can the 
lapse of time affect those more awful and yet more intimate 
Truths, which it is enough in these pages to have hinted at. To 
shrink from the inevitable progress of Science were a needless 
cowardice, the fruit of distrust, rather than of faith. Let Truth 
pursue her various course along a thousand different paths ; they 
must at last converge to the same august temple. She cannot 
be at variance with herself; and from her the Divine Word can 
never be disjoined. We cannot watch her steps too carefully, 
or shun too anxiously the devious paths of error ; but where she 
seems to lead, we may not hesitate to follow, warily indeed, but 
yet with confidence. 



30 



ART. II. 1. Report from the Select Committee on Mortmain, 
together icith the Minutes of Evidence. Ordered by the House 
of Commons to be printed, 24th July, 1844. 

2. A Bill to alter and amend the Laws relating to the Disposition 
of Property for Pious and Charitable Purposes. Prepared and 
Drought in by Lord John Manners, Viscount Clive, and 
Mr. Charles Buller, Ordered by the House- of Commons to 
be printed, 1846. 

3. Debate on the Mortmain Laics in the House of Commons, 
March, 1846. 

IN the year 1736, just at the full swing of the Walpole 
administration, a great revolution took place in the laws affect- 
ing the dedication of property to charity. Nobody knows why. 
We have nothing now but the fact. The present law is the result 
of that change. No one seems able to give a satisfactory 
account of its origin and circumstances; but a revolution it 
undoubtedly was. Even incorporated charities were, before that 
time, in respect of the acquisition and alienation of property, 
almost as unfettered as private individuals. A royal license, 
which by the 7th and 8th Will. III. c. 37, had been made 
matter of no very difficult acquisition, was the only ceremony 
required. Unincorporated charities, or, in other words, charities 
committed to a succession of private trustees, were, provided 
they were really * Charities' within the legal definition of the 
term, perfectly without restraint. Any body might give or 
bequeath any amount of land or money to their use. And this 
had been the law, with no very important variation, since the 
time of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth. But all of a sudden, in 
the year of grace 1736, and in the 9th of the second prince of 
the House of Hanover, it was discovered that the Commonwealth 
was in peril, that 'great public mischief was going on, had 
been going on, and ought to be put a stop to, all owing to this 
most 'improvident' state of the law of Charities. All gifts 
of land, or of any property that arose from, or was directed to 
be vested in land, to any charitable purpose, were forthwith 
put under a 'heavy discouragement,' which amounted to 
all but a prohibition. All such gifts, w r hen made by will, were, 
indeed, expressly negatived and when made by deed, they were 
encumbered with conditions necessarily difficult and distaste- 
ful, and possibly fatal. Pure money gifts alone were left 
untouched. 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 31 

But nobody, as we have said, seems to know how or why so 
great a change was made. Antiquarians are puzzled at it. 
Jurists shake their wigs. Sir Francis Palgrave thinks the Act 
marked the 'turn of the tide;' but why the tide turned 
then, or why at all, he offers no account. Mr. Burge says 
plainly, that if asked the origin of the Act, he should be 'exceed- 
ingly puzzled to state it.' And, when we look into what is 
by courtesy called 'the debate' on the bill, a curiosity em- 
balmed in the Parliamentary History, certainly there is very 
much to justify some considerable slowness of discernment. The 
discussion is assigned to the House of Lords, but the speeches, 
such as they are, are all anonymous. ' No names,' appears to 
have been the very safe and charitable maxim of the Parlia- 
mentary reporter; our only hope is, for the sake of the reputation 
of King George's peers, that as much liberty has been taken 
with the arguments, as with the names, of these noble lords. 
Certainly the ' reasons' that have been allowed to remain on 
record, as those on which the change of law was made, would 
not only fully account for any amount of bewilderment on the 
part of posterity, but would even go far to justify the hypothesis 
that the whole debate is a hoax. 

Before going further we will give our readers a few specimens 
of the ' considerations,' that are said to have led to our present 
law against Charities; they will conduce, tetter than any state- 
ment we could make, to the right understanding of the policy 
and operation of the law itself; and they will form an apt 
introduction to an inquiry into its merits. 

In the first place, then, a sort of discovery seems to have been 
made, noble Lords seem to have become suddenly alive to the 
fact, that there was, in 1736, such a thing known to the law as 
a devise to charitable uses. Ever since the Statutes of Wills, 
(32d and 34th of Henry VIII.) people had indeed had free 
power to leave land by will away from their heirs. Ever since 
the 39th year of Queen Elizabeth, when a technical definition 
of charitable uses was first adopted, and those uses thus recog- 
nised by our law, every body might have exercised that power 
in the creation by will of any such charitable uses. Nay, even 
in favour of a corporation, so that it had license to hold in Mort- 
main, the devise was, by a liberal construction put upon the 
43rd of Elizabeth, c. 4, perfectly valid. 1 Yet what says 'the 
argument for the bill,' in the debates of the 9th year of King 
George II. ? 'A new sort of Mortmain,' the advocates of the me%- 
sure argued, (it was no mortmain at all,) 'anew sort of Mortmain 
has lately sprung up, a new gulph without bottom, and without 
bounds, which will certainly swallow up whatever is left by the 

1 See 1 Jarman on Wills, p. 19C. 



32 The Law of Charitable Uses. 

others.' And this new bottomless gulph, it was then explained, was 
the power of devising to uses in favour of Charities or charitable 
purposes. The discovery appears to have been made, then for the 
first time, that such devises, if they did not happen to be made 
to corporations, but were only effected through individual 
trustees, were not within the ordinary mortmain laws, and did 
not require any mortmain license from the Crown. A wonderful 
mare's nest, truly ! For what was the fact ? Why ; this very power 
had existed in full operation, unheeded and unharmful, for just two 
hundred rolling years ! This was the ' new bottomless gulph !' 
For two hundred long years these devises of land had been going 
on, interfered with not at all by the mortmain laws, because they 
were devises to trustees, and not to corporations, and therefore 
quite independent of all c Royal licence,' or other form or con- 
dition whatsoever; and yet even an inconvenience had never 
been so much as felt from them. The land in the kingdom was not 
locked up. People had not found out that heirs were wantonly 
disinherited, nor had any other mischief been discovered. But 
at the end of the two hundred years, the prospective, not the past 
operation of these laws, became the great bugbear of the day ! 
And it was urged as a reason for a summary restriction, for a 
revolutionary change in the whole law of charitable property, 
that the law which had been so long harmless, would inevitably 
endanger the whole fabric of society, if it existed another year. 
This was one of the ' reasons' for the law of the 9th of George II. 
What was the next? Why; it was further gravely argued, that 

* it is certain, that a man who has in his own person a right to a 
' landed estate, will be more daring and active in the defence of 

* that right against a foreign enemy, and more jealous of any 
f arbitrary power by which that right may be made precarious, 

* than any man who has a right only as a lessee, or as a member 

* of a corporation.' Therefore, no land whatever should be vested 
in charitable corporations, or given upon charitable trusts. And 
upon the same reasoning, we would beg to add, all the land in the 
kingdom ought to be jealously watched, and carefully directed 
by the public into the hands of the best fighting proprietors. Of 
course, there must be no women-tenants ; no dowager ladies or 
wealthy coheiresses, no turtle-fed aldermen, no, not so much 
even as any very quiet shopkeeper, to encumber the land with 
their unwarlike apathies! No, in the magnanimous days of 
King George II. a man was not fit to be a landowner at all, 
Vho was not a very game-cock for his own dunghill. The poor, 
and the feeble, and the defenceless, the widow, and the orphan, 
would fight neither against the Pope nor the Pretender, therefore 
neither let them eat ! Such was the charitable conclusion of the 
Walpoles and the Pulteneys: such were the charitable prin- 



The Law of Charitable Uses. S3 

ciples on which was based the law against charities, of the ninth 
year of King George II. 

But the grand 'reason' of the whole seems to have been 
a fear, real or fictitious, lest ' the established Church' should 
prove, forsooth ! too powerful for the Government, and, as the 
phrase went, ' swallow every thing up.' All the Clergy, it was 
with most sapient and most profound inaccuracy remarked, 
already formed one vast corporation. Learned lawyers appear 
to have become suddenly awake to the alarming fact that the 
Clergy were all ' members of one and the same society or cor- 
porate body :' and it was thence inferred, (most fallaciously,) that 
they formed a corporation in the legal sense of the term, with a 
unity of action and unity of property. And by one of not the 
least among the great legal luminaries of that (or any other) 
day, Lord Hardwicke, then Lord Chief Justice, the following 
extraordinary piece of extravagance, relating to this part of the 
' argument,' is, though, like all the other speeches, anonymous 
in the report, supposed to have been uttered : 

' But, my Lords, suppose a weak Prince on the throne, 
guided by a favourite, that favourite a prelate, who had the 
Clergy under his entire direction, could we suppose such a 
King or Minister would ever refuse a license (to hold land in 
mortmain) ? The certain consequence would be, that, if such an 
administration should continue, the temporal power of the 
Church would become as much superior to the state as it ever 
was in the times of popery and superstition ; . . . and a 
persecution, or perhaps an inquisition be set up, under the banners 
of the Church of England, as bloody and cruel as any that was ever 
setup under the banners of the Church of Rome? 
Nor was this all. The Act for establishing and incorporating 
the Charity known as Queen Anne's Bounty, had passed about 
thirty years before ; and by that act a special power was con- 
ferred on the Bounty Commissioners, of taking and holding gifts 
of land, houses, tithes, and other real property in perpetual suc- 
cession. This Act supplied a happy climax to the alarmists. 
An appeal to the awful capacity of swallow already existing in 
the Bounty Commissioners, capped most conclusively and tri- 
umphantly the whole of their extraordinary ' argument.' * Our 
' Church,' it was continued, ( must necessarily at last, by means 
' of that corporation, (the Queen Anne's Bounty,) become 
f mistress of all the landed estates in England. And when we 
' consider the many and powerful solicitors they have about 
' dying persons, and the present prevailing madness of per- 
' petuating one's memory, by leaving a large estate to some body 
' politic, we must conclude, that unless a stop be put to it, the 
' event is not so distant as some may imagine !' Alas ! for the 

NO. LIU. N. 8. D 



34 The Law of Charitable Uses. 

sagacity even of a Hardwicke, when speaking in the heat of 
donate, and under the excitement of party prejudices. By the 
evidence now before us, it appears that in the year 1844, just 
140 years, and no less, after this formidable corporation was 
established, the annual value of its landed possessions acquired 
during all that time, was exactly (in present currency) 160,000/., 
or enough to endow with a bare sufficiency, just 1,600 poor cura- 
cies, /. e. to find sufficient curates for about one-twentieth of the 
populous and neglected parishes now destitute throughout Eng- 
land. Yet this was the corporation that was to swallow up, not 
merely an amount of land sufficient for the whole endowment, 
liberal or otherwise, of the Church, but * all the landed estates 
in England!' 

This dread of the Church and the Clergy, however, appears 
to us, after all, to furnish no very improbable solution of the 
enigma as to the origin of the law. It was the Church of Eng- 
land which presented the most formidable and dreaded obstacle 
to the then progressing subjugation of the kingdom to 
Hanoverian principles. The bill was meant for a blow at that 
Church, and it was so. It was *a heavy blow and a great 
discouragement' to the expansion of that Church with the 
wants and numbers of the people. We feel its effects to this 
day. Can we doubt that Walpole and Hardwicke knew what 
they were doing, and intended it ? 

The bill was, indeed, originally a lawyer's bill. It was moved 
in the House of Commons by Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of the 
Rolls ; but Jekyll appears to have been a keen politician ; he 
was certainly a thorough Whig and Hanoverian. He is de- 
scribed, indeed, in a contemporary letter, 1 as * a gentleman who, 
' though strongly attached to the Royal Family and Constitution, 

* does, through a particular turn of mind, seldom vote with the 

* Court party.' Yet he seems to have taken a prominent part 
in almost all the political conflicts of the time ; and though 
standing aloof at other times, yet, whenever the interest of the 
reigning Royal family, or of the Whig party was concerned, to 
have acted zealously and efficiently in their support, without 
reference to other considerations. 2 He supported Walpole's 

1 Lord Harrington to Lord Essex, March 15, 1733. Printed from the Harring- 
ton Collection in the Appendix to the second Volume of Lord Mahon's History. 

2 Another instance of the very convenient results, for Walpole, of Sir Joseph 
Jekyll's ' independent' services is to be found, as it seems to us, in the ' Gin Act ;' 
a measure passed in this very same session of 1736. The bill was in its nature 
strictly a ministerial affair, being in fact a question of revenue, a proposal to 
lay a heavy tax on the consumption of gin and other spirituous liquors. Yet it 
was brought forward by Jekyll as a matter of pure and 'independent' benevolence, 
an idea of his own, and it was 'received' by Walpole 'coldly,' but of course 
without opposition. It is needless to say that the bill was carried. But ' Sir 
Robert and Sir Joseph ' were coupled together in the cry against the measure ; and 



The Laic of Charitable Uses. 35 

most unpopular Excise Bill through thick and thin. And this 
was a matter in which the Court, and especially the Queen, took 
a most lively and personal interest. 

But what is more to the purpose at present, we find this same 
Sir J. Jekyll, in the year 1704, 1 attempting to defeat, by a 
plausible stratagem, the very bill for establishing Queen Anne's 
Bounty, which was so urged as a reason for passing the Act of 
King George the Second. He was then unsuccessful ; but the 
Bounty, being erected into a regular Corporation, fell under the 
Mortmain laws, and even the slight relaxation, Burnet tells 
us, which was necessitated in those laws in order to exempt the 
Bounty from their operation, * occasioned a great debate in the 
House of Lords,' and was only carried by the suggestion that 
(since '88) people ' had not the arts of affrighting (dying) men 
by visions of purgatory, or fables of apparitions,' as was the 
case in popish times. Jekyll, in short, was a consistent political 
opponent of the Church ; and that, because the Church was at 
that time what Ireland is now, the ' great difficulty ' of 
prime ministers. That the Bill against Charitable Gifts should 
have originated in such a quarter as this, of itself goes a long 
way to show its real design and policy. 

The ministers of George had indeed much reason for seeking 
to diminish the influence of the Church. It was the stronghold 
of the great antagonist principle. The Church could not swallow 
Hanoverianism quite so quickly as the courtiers did. The member 
for the University of Oxford, Lord Cornbury, the heir of the 
house of Clarendon, was a leading and an avowed Jacobite ; and 
the pamphlets and letters of the time show that, throughout that 
University, Jacobitism was undisguisedly the order of the day 
both with high and low. ' We drink James's health here openly 
every day,' was the undergraduate's boast to his friend in 
London ; and Heads of Houses were equally enthusiastic. The 
country clergy, as a body, were no less impregnated with a con- 
fident belief in the righteousness of the exiled cause, and with 
the certain expectation that, as a Restoration had taken place in 
Charles's case, the only precedent then existing in English 
history for the banishment of the prince entitled to the throne on 
principles of hereditary succession, so it would in James's case 
also. Nor did the corruption and low latitudinarianism of the 
Court and ministerial party at all tend to reconcile the Clergy 
to the existing dynasty and order of things. The Church pre- 

it seems to have been pretty well understood at the time, that Sir Joseph did not 
act quite so much on his own unassisted judgment as was pretended. We cannot 
resist the inference, that the Act against charitable uses was, like the rest, Sir 
Joseph's in name, the Minister's in reality. 
1 2 Burnet, 371. Folio Edition. 

D 2 



36 The Law of Charitable Uses. 

sented a hard impenetrable mass of material, upon which all the 
current flimsinesses about compacts and abdications made very 
little impression indeed ; and which the Minister could neither 
break nor swallow. It was not so much an active restlessness 
for change, though that to a certain extent existed ; but generally 
speaking, political intrigue and conspiracy were as alien to 
the temper of the Clergy on the one hand, as the fashionable 
Hanoverian philosophy was on the other. Meddling with state 
matters was not the part of quiet Christian men. Treason was 
a crime. The constituted authorities were to them the autho- 
rities that were to be accepted as the real ones. Submission 
was therefore a duty. But there was nevertheless a quiet un- 
convinceable dead-weight sort of persuasion that the Govern- 
ment of the day was, if matters were sifted, an usurpation and 
a wrong ; and nowhere was this feeling more prevalent than 
among the Clergy of the Church. There it was; a 'great 
fact,' as we should say now, and a very uncomfortable 
one. Walpole had every reason for wishing to pull down its 
power: and just at the time in question, 1736, he was fur- 
nished with a personal reason for pressing on any measure that 
might be unpalatable to the Church ; for he was in that same 
year defeated in his Quakers' Tithe Bill, which he had pressed 
forward for his own electioneering purposes, chiefly by the influ- 
ence of Gibson, Bishop of London. What wonder, then, if, on 
an opportunity presenting itself to Walpole, so tempting as the 
suggestion, by his independent friend the Master of the Rolls, 
of a great ' public mischief having occurred, which imperatively 
demanded, and might be used as a pretext for, the clipping any 
increase of the temporalities of the Church, what wonder if 
Sir Robert eagerly caught at it? That the bill teas, as a 
matter of fact, supported, in great part, if not entirely, from a 
dread of the anti -ministerial influence of the Church and the 
Clergy, the extracts which we have made from the debates do, 
we conceive, most abundantly show. To infer that it origi- 
nated, at all events in great measure, in the same dread, seems 
no great stretch of probability. The bequest to Guy's Hospital, 
which took place about that time, with the statue and the 
inscription in golden letters, may possibly, as Sir F. Palgrave 
suggests in his Evidence, have been the pretext, or one of the 
pretexts, for first originating such a measure; but we can 
ourselves have but little doubt that, what really matured and 
carried the bill was, a feeling of hostility to the Church, an 
apprehension of her influence, and an eagerness to prevent its 
increase. 

The bill, it may also be observed, is limited so as not 
to extend to Scotland. Why so ? Why was there more appre- 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 37 

henslon of land being locked up in England than in Scotland ? 
Why was it more prejudicial to the community that English 
land should be held in charity than Scottish ? How was it that 
there was such excessive jealousy of English charities, when 
Scotch were left to luxuriate as they would ? Is it not obvious ? 
The Scotch Presbyterian Establishment was decidedly ministerial, 
the Church of England was not. That was the difference ; 
and a very intelligible difference it is. Devises and gifts to 
Scotch 'religious' purposes were to be encouraged ; in England, 
the same liberality was by all means to be extinguished. We 
cannot escape from the conclusion that the bill was intended as 
a blow to the Church of England. 

Having established, then, as we conceive, the origin of the 
change, we will proceed to state, with as much clearness 
and brevity as we can, the particulars of the alteration which 
was thus introduced, and the actual state and operation of the 
law affecting charitable property at this present moment. We 
then purpose to examine the policy of that law, and the grounds 
on which it is based, as that policy, and those reasons are now 
understood. And this we do chiefly with the view of inquiring 
whether any, or what change in the law in question, or even its 
total abolition, according to the views of a considerable and 
increasing party both in and out of Parliament, and to the 
reasons urged by persons of great weight and eminence in the 
volume of evidence now before us, would be really beneficial or 
desirable. 

To come then to the law itself. And first, whoever wishes 
to acquire an accurate knowledge of the present state and 
operation of the laws affecting the dedication of property to 
charitable purposes, must begin by banishing completely from 
his mind and memory the word MORTMAIN, both name and 
thing, with all its attendant associations. The Act of the 9th 
of George II. c. 36, is sometimes, indeed, in loose Avriting and 
conversation, most inaccurately termed a (or perhaps the) Mort- 
main Act ; but though directed against the vesting of land in 
charity, Mortmain it certainly is not. Nothing can be more fatal 
to a clear understanding of the laws we are now discussing, 
especially by a person not versed in legal history or investigation, 
than the confounding the proper laws of MORTMAIN, with the laws 
prohibiting devises, and fettering gifts to charities and charitable 
uses. The one are directed against the tenure, the other against 
the object. The first are a simple remnant of feudalism, and are, 
in fact, of very little practical importance at the present day. 
We believe their real effect is little more than to add a few 
shillings to the expense of every conveyance to or by a corpo- 
ration. The last are matter, not of ancient policy at all, but of 



38 The Laic of Charitable Uses. 

modern precaution, and rest upon reasons appealing entirely 
to the modern constitution of society. And it is among these 
last that we are to rank the Act of the 9th of Geo. II. 

MORTMAIN, in short, is not the subject on which we are 
writing. It is a totally distinct question. The Mortmain laws, 
properly so called, are a series of statutes, beginning from 
Magna Charta, and continuing downwards to the 7th and 8th 
"Will. III. c. 37, the last Act on the subject, and said to be 
declaratory only of the common law of the land ; whereby any 
and every regularly constituted corporation, (to which bodies 
alone they apply,) whether secular or spiritual, is prohibited 
from holding lands, whether given or purchased, without a 
license from the Crown. The policy of these laws was not a 
religious or moral question at all. It was simply a matter of 
public police, scarcely more, growing necessarily out of the 
peculiar legal accidents, so to say, attendant upon corporations. 
Bodies corporate, or aggregate of many, in the eye of the law, 
never die. Their lands never have occasion to descend, or be 
devised. They presented in feudal times no one individual 
tenant upon whom the legal burdens of feudalism could attach. 
Their lands, in fact, enjoyed an immunity from almost every 
feudal burden ; and if the corporation were a religious body, the 
immunity was more complete. Not only military service, 
reliefs, wardships, marriages, escheats, and other incidents of 
the kind, were in such case escaped, but so also were all civil 
burdens whatever, such as view of frank-pledge, attendance at 
assize, and the like. By religious corporations all these burdens 
were avoided, and cast entirely upon the neighbouring tenants. 
The Mortmain statutes, therefore, prohibited land from being 
held, first by any religious brotherhoods, then by any guild, 
fraternity, or corporation whatever, without license from the 
lord, the party primarily injured. This license, in the end, be- 
came in all cases the license of the 'Crown, the Crown being 
ultimate lord of the soil every where. The principle of these 
laws, it will be therefore observed, is wholly irrespective of any 
jealousy of death-bed devises, or of any fear of charity, as 
such, when weighed in competition with the interests of rela- 
tions ; their simple principle is the prevention of corporation 
tenure. Religious houses might be more within their mischief 
than secular, but it was only a question of degree. In principle 
they applied to the Corporation of the City of London, as fully 
as to the monks of Bolton or Glastonbury, and in practice they 
extend accordingly to lay corporations as well as to spiritual. But 
they apply to a state of things now long past. With the 
abolition of personal services, the reason of these laws has past 
away also. The license is now the only remnant of them ; and 



The Laic of Charitable Uses. 39 

that license, which by the 37th of William and Mar} 7 , before 
referred to, has been made matter of ordinary legal form, 
is now, we believe, as a matter of course, granted to every body 
corporate applying for it, and paying the requisite fees. This, 
then, disposes of thelaws o Mortmain. Whoever wishes to under- 
stand the general subject of our charity laws, should, we repeat, 
keep this branch of the subject, viz. Mortmain, quite distinct, 
and by itself, and should proceed without reference to it, and as 
though it did not exist. 

We pass on to the laws of charitable uses, and trusts. And 
here let our ' unlearned' readers understand once for all, that, 
as is the case in some other instances, charity in law is not pre- 
cisely coincident with charity in fact. Charity has been defined 
by a great legal authority 1 to be 'a gift to a, general public use? 
By the common or unwritten law of England, any public pur- 
pose whatever, so that it were really of public benefit, and not 
frivolous or unreasonable, was recognised as a legitimate subject 
of individual bounty. Religious services, the support of the 
poor, and the maintenance of bridges and roads, were all classed 
together, and considered as ' charitable' purposes, and as soon as 
the power was acknowledged of devising lands by will at all, 2 
these public purposes were as capable of being supported by 
devises as any other. Shortly afterwards a special exception 
was made against what were defined to be * superstitious uses,' 
or uses for the maintenance of certain Romish peculiarities, as, 
for instance, the praying of souls out of purgatory, and a few 
other (all now well specified) similar purposes. But the general 
power remained. And if the donor or testator chose to inter- 
pose the machinery of trustees, and thus, as far as possible, to 
perpetuate his bounty, the Court of Chancery enforced the 
application, and, in fact, gave permanency to the gift. 

Not very long after the creation by statute of this testa- 
mentary power, another statute, the 43d Eliz. c. 4, gave colour and 
consistency to its application to charity, by specifying and enu- 
merating many various kinds of that extensive legal * charity ' 
which we have mentioned. Among these AVC find, not only the 
relief of the poor, and cure of the sick, but the diffusion of 
education, the repair of churches, bridges, 3 roads ; the mainte- 
nance of houses of correction ; the marriage of poor maids ; the 
redemption of prisoners ; the help of young tradesmen, and per- 
sons decayed; and the aid of poor inhabitants towards payment 

1 Lord Chancellor Camden. Ambl. 651. 

2 32 and 34 Henry VIII. 

3 Maidenhead Bridge, over the Thames ; Pont de Gard, over the Khone ; and 
the Bridge of Taro ; are instances of bridges built by alms collected as for religious 
purposes. Palgrave'a Evidence, p. 12. 



40 The Law of Charitable Uses. 

of taxes. And this statute is construed, not as exhausting, but 
merely selecting from, the multitudinous objects of individual 
bounty, which the law recognises and protects under the 
broad shield of its doctrine of charitable uses. All gifts to like 
purposes all gifts within the spirit of the statute, are recog- 
nised by the Courts, and enforced. Without such a recognition, 
of course, any gift, whether by deed or will, would be valueless. 
No trustee need observe the trust. It was necessary, therefore, 
for the law to draw a line, to say what gifts should be enforced 
and what not ; what purposes were, and what were not, of suf- 
ficient public utility, or sufficiently conducive to the good either 
of society at large, or of any particular portion of it, to de- 
mand that they should be maintained by the solemn decision 
and process of the judicature. Gifts to waterworks have been 
held a charitable use ; so has a donation to establish a life-boat ; 
and the foundation of lighthouses, it is said, is a charity within 
the Act of Elizabeth. In case the object is not of that public 
benefit or importance which would justify the Court of Chan- 
cery in recognising it, and holding the trustee bound in con- 
science to fulfil the direction in its favour, the money or land 
is then considered as a trust for the next of kin or the heir-at- 
law of the donor. 

This then was the state of the law in the beginning of the 
year 1736. Anybody might dedicate his land or money, or 
both, in any way that was most convenient to him, to such pur- 
poses of charity or religion as the law, then expounded with 
a wise liberality, admitted truly to deserve the appellation. 
Private caprice or ill-humour was not allowed to mark out for 
itself any wayward or frivolous disposition of money that it 
might choose, and then palm off upon the public the burden and 
odium of keeping up the monument of its folly. But gifts to 
any real 'public rurpose' were allowed and encouraged. The 
machinery of a Court of Equity was placed at the disposal of 
exery private person who might be willing thus to serve the 
public. Powers were thrown open to him of perpetuation and 
security from abuse. The law had defined beforehand the 
objects which she would thus support. Charity, so defined, was 
considered as a public benefaction. A gift to charity was a 
favour conferred on society ; it relieved the people from their 
burdens; it supplied their wants; it was a sacrifice for the 
general good. It was therefore encouraged both by the Parlia- 
ment and the Judges. 

Such was the light in which, up to the 9th year of George II., 
the law of England regarded a gift to religious or charitable 
purposes. Since that time the tide, as Sir F. Palgrave observes, 
has turned. Charity has, from that time forth, been regarded 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 41 

m all courts of law and equity, pretty much as a fraud upon the 
heir-at-law or next of kin. We believe this to be not an over- 
statement of the truth. 

The Act of Parliament itself, passed under the circumstances 
we have above attempted to sketch out, commenced the change. 
It was not intended, probably, to work so complete a revolution 
as, through the zealous cooperation of the Judges, it has in fact 
effected ; but the dry sweep of the Act is of itself pretty exten- 
sive in its range. It seems, indeed, at first sight, to be directed 
solely against investments in land : and its object appears to be 
simply to impose upon gifts to charitable uses no more than the 
same or an analogous restriction to that which the Mortmain laws 
enforced upon gifts to incorporated bodies, whether charitable 
or general. And some of the arguments urged in support of the 
measure do, in some sort, as our readers will have seen, strengthen 
the supposition. 

But whatever was the specific object which the framer of the 
Act presented to himself, or the general views which were 
entertained by the Minister and Parliament that carried it, 
certain it is that its restrictions, in fact, go much further than 
any Mortmain Act ever did ; and that it has given rise in the 
Courts of law to a policy almost entirely fatal, certainly most 
destructive, to all charitable donations and investments 
whatever. 

The Act provided that, from thenceforth, no land, or money, 
or other personal estate to be laid out in land, should be given 
or charged, in trust for, or for the benefit of, any charitable 
uses whatsoever, unless such gift or charge were made by deed 
before witnesses ; executed twelve months at least before the death 
of the donor ; enrolled in Chancery six months after execution ; to 
take effect immediately; and without power of revocation. 
And if the property to be so laid out in land consisted of stocks 
in the public funds, the stocks were to be transferred six 
months before the death of the donor. It was provided, how- 
ever, that the Act should not extend to purchases for a full and 
valuable consideration; and the Universities of Oxford and 
Cambridge, and the Colleges of Eton, Winchester, and West- 
minster, were exempted (partially) from its operation. 

It will thus be observed that, by will, neither land, nor money to 
be laid out in land, can be given at all to any charitable purpose. 
Gifts of land, or money to be laid out in land, must be made, if 
at all, by deed inter vivos : and that deed must be, 1st, executed 
before witnesses; 2dly, enrolled; 3dly, absolute, irrevocable, 
and immediate in its effect; 4thly, a year must elapse before it 
can be pronounced valid or invalid. 

Now these restrictions, of themselves, go very far to prevent 



42 The Laic of Charitable Uses. 

altogether any donation of land, or of money directed to be laid 
out in land, to charitable purposes. They discourage, if they do 
not prohibit. Few people like to wait a year to see whether a 
solemn alienation of their property is to stand or not ; and, if it 
fail by the death of the donor, the property is undisposed of. 
This, of course, no one willingly contemplates. Enrolment, too, 
is a serious expense. But the Courts of Law have gone much 
further even than the Act does. 

It has been decided by the Court of Chancery * that, if land 
be directed to be sold, and converted into money, and that 
motiey be given to a charity, it is within the Act ; and if the gift 
be made by will, it is, accordingly, in all cases void ; and if by 
deed, it must comply with the formalities of the Act. 

Again: Courts of Equity, in the ordinary administration 
of the property of a deceased person, will, if the general fund 
from which legacies are payable falls short, by reason of any 
mortgage debt or any payment which can be claimed also out of 
any specific fund, having been paid, not out of that specific fund, 
but out of the general one; Courts of Equity, we say, will in 
such case, to use the technical phrase, 'marshal the assets' in 
favour of the legatees ; i. e. they will throw the mortgage debt, 
or other payment, on its own fund ; and so enable the legatees 
to receive their legacies in full out of the general one. 2 JBut it 
is a rule that legacies to charities are specially excepted from this 
favour. If there is not enough ' personalty' to pay in full the 
charity legacy, and also all the other claims which might, though 
this might not, be paid also out of the landed property, these 
other claims shall, in this case only, not be thrown upon the 
landed property, so as to allow the charity legacy to be paid 
in full out of the monied property ; but the charity legacy 
shall, so far as the monied property is deficient for all, fail 
altogether. The text of the Act is applied rigorously. The 
charity has no help. It is first thrown back upon the land, and 
then defeated in consequence. 

Again : under the wide words of the Act, which include not 
only land, but all property relating to or arising from land ; 
canal shares, money on mortgage, railway shares, tolls, money 
secured on the poor rates, and, in bhort, every conceivable modi- 
fication of property arising in any shape from land, are held to 

1 First by Lord Hardwicke, in Attorney-General v. Lord Weymouth ; Ambler, 
20 ; which case has been followed in several later instances, and is now the esta- 
blished rule. See Curtis v. Hutton, 14 Vesey 537. Trustees of British Museum 
v. White, 2 S. & St. 595. In this last case Vice-Chancellor Leach said that any gift 
to any public or general purpose was within the Statute of George II. ; thus 
recognising the operation of that Act as co-extensive with the whole subject-matter 
of charitable uses, as described in the Act of Elizabeth. 

a See 1 Jarman on Wills, 207, &c. 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 43 

be intended ; and any gift of these, if by will, is void, and if 
by deed, is required to conform to the statutory provisions. This 
construction of itself goes far to vitiate a large number of charity 
legacies: for few estates are not made up in great part of 
property coming under this wide and sweeping definition of real 
property. But in its consequences it does more. Taken in 
conjunction with the practice of Courts of Equity already men- 
tioned, of refusing to marshal assets for a charity, but consenting 
to do so in all other cases, it produces so inextricable a con- 
fusion in the administration of estates, as to render a Chancery 
suit necessary in nearly every case where there are charitable 
legacies. The distinction between this mixed sort of property, 
and purely monied property, prevails, as between legatees, in no 
other case, and for no other purpose than this. A new element 
of difficulty is therefore introduced in this case, and this case 
only; and where there are many legacies, some charitable, 
others not, and an estate of various descriptions of property, a 
Chancery suit is in consequence almost inevitable. 1 

Thus the law has been carried, in its effects, far beyond both 
its letter and its spirit, and beyond, we conceive, also, the inten- 
tion of its framers. It has now brought matters to this ; that 
a gift to charity of whatever kind is looked upon, not as a pub- 
lic benefit, but as a private fraud. It is thought to be against 
policy, a matter by all means to be discouraged, a sort of folly 
that is to be defeated and put down wherever it is met with. 
A perpetually recurring trap seems to be set to catch charitable 
bequests, and to restore them to the petty frivolities, or narrow 
speculations of individual extravagance or cupidity. All conse- 
cration of property of whatever kind, to any public or national 
promotion of God's service, or man's welfare, is put under a ban 
and a discouragement. Land it seems ought not to be given at 
all : money as little as possible. Gifts by will are distinguished 
from gifts inter vivos. The latter are clogged with prohibitory 
conditions ; the former are to be applicable only to donations of 
money. A gift of pure money by a person in his lifetime, is the 
only mode of charitable donation that is left wholly without 
interference. An arbitrary and oppressive restriction is placed 
npon every other form of charitable gift. 

Now what is the policy of this interference ? What are the 
reasons upon which it is still supported? The reasons upon 
which it was first introduced have now long since passed away. 
The struggle between Hanoverian and Jacobite is now happily 
extinct. It is no longer necessary to keep the Church help- 
less and inefficient, in order that a Minister may retain office. 
Are there any other reasons then any reasons of general policy 

1 See the Evidence of E. W. Field, Esq. Minutes, question 405. 



44 The Laic of Charitable Uses. 

and present .application, sufficient to justify the maintenance of 
this law ? For as every body must see, and as we certainly 
admit, there is abroad even now a strong and general feeling in 
favour of what is popularly called a Mortmain law. And though 
this is not perhaps any very deeply-rooted sentiment, yet we 
find that even amongst persons of accurate information, and 
impartial judgment, the precise restrictions that now exist, IIOAV- 
ever unreasonable they may appear in the abstract, do find very 
strong favour. What is the meaning of this ? 

First, then ; a leading feature of this law is a discouragement 
or prohibition of investment in land. Secondly, its other lead- 
ing feature is a discouragement of dying dispositions, of gifts 
by will. Both these provisions are in principle probably coin- 
cident with the views of the vast majority of persons, who take 
the trouble to inquire into this subject at all. This we take to 
be the answer to the above question. The ulterior effects of 
this law, the policy to which it has given rise, the extent to 
which, in practice, the operation of its provisions has been 
carried, and the consequent interruption of the exercise of 
voluntary agency in support of public religious or charitable 
purposes, these are points which the superficial inquirers we 
allude to take no trouble to investigate. 

But what, on the other hand, are the facts that are now before 
us, that are before every man in this country, patent to the 
world at large, written in characters not to be overlooked ? 
Simply these. A population swarming in myriads, increasing 
by thousands per diem. Employment getting proportionably 
scarce. Labour a drug. Destitution increasing. Cure of souls a 
visionary dream. And to meet all this what ? A Church with 
means stationary at what they were one hundred years ago. A 
State with tariffs and importation bills, workhouse tests and disci- 
pline, trying to compel a starving ' surplus' to feed itself, yet 
unable to solve the problem. A people divided on religious 
questions, and unable to agree to any common public support of 
any one line of religious action. But in this state of things 
where are we to find help ? It is surely, in plain truth, mere 
madness, mere unreasonable folly, to expect the Government or 
the Legislature to do any thing for it. Laws may ultimately 
improve the condition of the people ; emigration may in the end 
give them room to live ; but in the meanwhile who or what is 
to give them the bare necessaries of life, to teach them patience, 
to administer to them consolation? Whence is to come the 
free gift that is to heal their sickness, or support their health ? 
Whence are they to get so much as may keep even life and soul 
together, until economists work out their promised (temporal) 
salvation? And whence, above all, whence is to come their 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 45 

Christianity ? Are they to have such a commodity at all ? Or 
are they to live and die like heathens, with the Gospel un- 
preached to them, unbaptized, untaught, unshrived, un buried? 
And if not, how and whence is it to come to pass ? There is 
not a man in England, we undertake to say, who would venture 
to affirm that any Government, at this time of day, be it Whig, 
or be it Tory, would venture to apply the public money for any 
such purposes as these. People talk about the manufacturing 
population, its spiritual destitution, its temporal miseries, its 
evils and its remedies ; and they give, perhaps, a guinea to the 
general education fund, or otherwise, according to their abilities, 
- perhaps to the extent of a real and costly self-sacrifice, do 
their small part to mitigate the mischief; but if a public or 
national act is talked of, it becomes a very different question. 
We do not say that it could be otherwise. Perhaps it is impos- 
sible. But of the fact there can be no manner of doubt, that for 
the Government to come forward at this moment and provide in 
the manner in which it should be provided, for the pressing and 
immediate wants, temporal as well as spiritual, of the entire 
population of these realms, is a total impossibility. Can the 
Government found colleges, or establish hospitals? Can the 
Government endow schools, plant churches, organize clergy, 
dispense alms, set apart money for bishoprics ? Can it even feed 
those who are out of work, until work is restored ? And if it 
can, will it do so ? And if it cannot, or will not do so, who else 
can ? Can societies do it ? Can subscriptions ? A little, it may 
be said, is done in this way ; and so it is. Perhaps more is done 
than is known ; but still nothing at all adequate to the occasion. 
No ; surely this at least is clear, that voluntary agency, the 
free gifts of private men, individual munificence, is still, as it 
was of old, the only channel from which these things can come. 
Nay, in these times, individual bounty is the only practicable, 
almost the only permitted means of supplying the great religious 
wants of the poor. It is the only means which modern politics 
or opinion will so much as tolerate, for witnessing, by public 
and permanent consecration of labour, or time, or substance, to 
the truth of God. It is the only, means, that modern public 
opinion will tolerate, of increasing the efficiency of the 
Church. It is the only means, which public opinion will allow 
to be practised, of meeting those great exigencies which we 
have above so faintly shadowed out. Even to relieve, efficiently, 
the temporal necessities of those multitudes of persons who, from 
no fault of their own, find themselves suddenly left stranded in 
the ebbs and flows of commerce, where are we to look but to 
voluntary gifts, to the great deeds of private charity ? Poor- 
laws are, of a truth, all that can even be expected from a 



46 The Law of Charitable Uses. 

Government of this day ; and without charity, to follow or pre- 
vent them, what and how much are they ? 

And that those great deeds, if disabilities were removed, would 
not be wanting, have we not abundant evidence, both in the 
many gifts that even now are successful, and the many more 
that fail, through our impolitic regulations ? 

But be this as it may; what we ask is this: with such 
pressing exigencies as these, and in such a state of public opinion 
as to Government assistance, what must be said of the policy of 
that law which puts an extinguisher precisely on the very source 
and mode of action by which alone those exigencies can possibly 
be supplied, and these evils dealt with ? If voluntary gifts are 
all we can hope for, is it not now absolutely imperative, is it not 
a plain, unavoidable duty, to inquire whether we really have or 
have not any sufficient reasons for discouraging them ? Why, 
it comes to be asked, and for what possible reason of public 
policy that can be given, is it, that Dean Ireland's munificent 
bequest of 5,000, to build a church in that nest of misery and 
sin that lay over against his gate, or Lord Westminster's still 
more munificent devise of land for a similar purpose on his 
estate at Chelsea why are these gifts to be stopped and sent 
back, when the public and the politicians are, notoriously, not 
unwilling only, but unable to stir a finger themselves to help the 
evils which they thus forbid to be mitigated ? Why is it, that in 
such a place as Manchester, when a rich, benevolent inhabitant 
leaves 70,000, to found a blue coat school to educate the poor, 
and an asylum to cure the blind, why do we find it necessary 
to detain this property for ten long years, for diminution, in 
Chancery and Doctors' Commons, to determine whether such a 
donation is or is not detrimental to the best interests of society ; 
is or is not contrary to sound and well understood policy ? 

The ragged destitution of Westminster and Chelsea, the mul- 
tiplying myriads of Manchester, make these questions questions 
in earnest ! What answer have we to give for such a policy as 
this ? It works a mischief. It stands between the poor man 
and his bread ; between the child and his teacher ; between 
the people and the priest; between the ignorant unbeliever 
and the truth ; between man and his Maker. What answer 
has it to give for itself? It is now put upon its trial, what 
has it to say ? 

We have already suggested the answers which it does give. 
We have now, we think, shown, further, that it is imperative 
upon all who would receive, and all who would use them, to sift 
those reasons thoroughly and well. 

What, then, are they? First, it is said to be impolitic to 
'lock up' land. This is the reason urged in defence of the 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 47 

distinction made by the 9th Geo. II. c. 36, between money and 
land, on which has been founded that wide construction which 
we have seen to be so sweepingly destructive of charitable gifts, 
even though not gifts of land, and which has led to that vexa- 
tious intricacy that, in almost every case, brings, as we have 
seen, charitable bequests into the long litigation of the Court 
of Chancery. To what does this reason amount ? And is it a 
justification of the very arbitrary and gratuitous provisions of 
the 9th of Geo. II. ? 

A holding of lands in perpetuity, it is said, takes them out of 
the market, and diminishes, by so much, the floating amount of 
land which it is always desirable, on public grounds, to have 
available, at any time, for any purposes which may arise, and 
which purposes are, in fact, represented by the demand for the 
time being. Most true. We quite admit that it is desirable to 
have land in the market. We admit that to vest land in perpe- 
tual and inalienable fixity does, pro tanto, diminish that quantity 
of land. The question is, supposing the tenure of all charity 
lands to be necessarily perpetual, (which is not, however, the 
case,) what is the amount of inconvenience produced by this 
particular withdrawal, and to what does this withdrawal actually 
amount ? 

Now that inconvenience at worst amounts to no more than 
this : that the land cannot be purchased out and out. It cannot 
change the recipient of its ultimate residuum of rent. But any 
thing short of this it can do. It can change its occupants. It 
can, to all practical intents and purposes, change its owners. 
Charity trustees can lease their property, and farm their pro- 
perty, and bear the burdens now attendant upon their pro- 
perty, as well or better than any other landholders in England. 
They are found to be as good landlords, as good economists, and 
better rate-payers, we will be bound to add, than any land- 
owners in England. This is all the inconvenience that arises. 
Admitting that they cannot sell, yet this is not found to impede 
their dealing with the property, or managing it to advantage. 
They can lease for any length of time that is consistent with the 
advantage of the trust. The fear of being land-locked seems to 
us, in short, to be, at the present day, a very foolish bugbear ; 
and one even strangely at variance with the tone of thought 
and prejudice now most prevalent amongst us. Charity trustees 
can buy now; how could a power of receiving land as a gift 
make any difference ? The individual speculator is quite able 
to take care of himself. He, surely, wants no protection. 

However, the real reply to this fear of locking-up land, we 
take to lie, not so much in the weakness of the policy itself^ 
which seeks by artificial means to keep land always in the 



48 The Law of Charitable Uses. 

market ; as in the actual failure of the Act of Geo. II. to meet 
its requirements, and in the absence of all conceivable necessity 
for charitable gifts of land being locked up at all. The objec- 
tion, even if valid, is simply beside the purpose. For the evil 
complained of is that so much land should be inalienable. Now 
the Act of Geo. II. does not prevent, or apply to, the per- 
petual retention of land by charities at all; it applies to the 
act of gift only ; and there is no reason in the world, either 
in the nature of things or in that Act, why trustees should 
not be allowed to convey away their property and buy other 
lands every day of their lives. The Act of George II. applies 
only to the first gifts of land to the charitable purposes. 
This it clogs with all manner of impediments and prohibitions. 
But let the land once get there, and it is, for aught the Act says 
to the contrary, locked-up most effectually and permanently. 
The objection, in short, that land is locked up by charities, cuts 
against the Act of Geo.II. and the existing law, as much as for it ; it 
holds as good now as it would if that Act were repealed. The Act 
does not prevent < locking up ' at all. Purchases, too, by charities 
may now be made to any extent. A purchase is excepted from 
the Act. By this means, any land whatever may get into trust 
hands. How is it, then, that we are not already afflicted with 
the inconvenience of having had all our lands locked up ? The 
Act does not prohibit it ; it interferes not with perpetuities, but 
gifts. It does not compel sales or prevent perpetual holdings. 
Perpetuity is not the mischief against which it directs itself. 
If it were repealed to-morrow, the practice of locking up land 
would have exactly as much law against it as it has now. Yet 
upon this, amongst other reasons, has been based the absurd and 
unreasonable distinction between land and money, which pro- 
duces so much complication, and is so fatal to charitable gifts 
of every kind in the Act of Geo. II. 

The real reason why charity lands, are, as a matter of fact, 
inalienable, so far at least as they are inalienable, lies simply in 
the practice of the Court of Chancery. It is held a breach of 
trust to part with charity lands in fee simple. 1 Why this, 
abstractedly speaking, should be so, we are really unable with per- 
fect satisfaction to make out. But however, be it right or be it 

1 ' It is a general rule that trustees of charities have no authority to make an 
absolute disposition of the charity estates. But there is no positive rule that in 
no instance shall an absolute disposition be made, for then the Court itself could 
not authorize such an act, ajurisdiction which, it is acknowledged, has frequently 
been exercised ; the true principle is, that an absolute disposition is then only to 
be considered a breach of trust when the proceeding is inconsistent with the 
provident administration of the estate for the benefit of the charity. And the 
transaction will be assumed to be improvident, as against a purchaser, until he has 
established the contrary.' Lewin on Trust*, pp. 398, 399. 



The Laic of Charitable Uses. 49 

wrong, the doctrine that this very land, and no other, should be ap- 
plied to the purposes of the charity, is the only cause of anything 
like a perpetuity. If it were not for this doctrine, perpetuity 
there would be none, and the objection would fall to the ground. 
However, be this as it may, the question of the repeal or the 
continuance of the vexatious restrictions, and still more vexa- 
tious distinctions established with respect to the mode of giving 
by the Act of Geo. II. will be seen to be independent of this 
point of perpetuity. 

Simplicity then is surely the best rule. It prevents litigation. 
It avoids mistake. Repeal at once the whole of this Act of the 9th 
of Geo. II. Let land and money at least stand on the same footing. 
There can be no more evil in the gift of the one than of the other. 
It is not pretended that there is. It is said only that the tenure, the 
perpetual tenure of land after it has been given, creates an incon- 
venience. But if so the remedy is easy. Either introduce an 
act enabling trustees of charities to sell in all but certain speci- 
fied cases, such as the chief buildings of the charity, the school- 
house, the hospital, or the like; or, if even that exception is thought 
too much, enable them, with the leave of the Court of Chancery, 
to be given on petition, and to be granted upon the same foot- 
ing as to discretion as any private landowner would exercise in 
his own case, but not without such leave, in every case to sell. 
The impediments thrown in the way of gifts, it may certainly 
be said, by the Act of Geo. II. do virtually prevent perpetuities, 
because less land is likely to get into charity. But surely this 
is very clumsy legislation. It is not the gift but the per- 
petuity that is wrong. Unfetter the perpetuity, but at least 
enable the gift ; and at all events do away with the absurd 
distinctions now imposed between the giving of land and that 
of money. It is surely not about the manner of giving that 
the controversy lies, but about the necessity of retaining the 
gift, and the power of disposing of it. Facilitate this, if you 
will ; but at least do not encumber that. 

And now we confidently ask any one of our readers, whether 
there is enough in this apprehension about perpetuities, being 
such, and so easily remedied as we have shown it to be, to 
justify the prevention of the free course of charity, and the forcible 
damming up of the only source from which we can expect help 
in our present pressing wants. We confidently anticipate the reply 
which every one must give, and we pass on to the other reason 
urged in defence of the policy of Sir Robert Walpole's act of 
parliament. 

It is necessary, it is said, as a matter of justice, as well 
as of policy, to see that these gifts to charitable purposes, how- 
ever much you may want them on public or any other grounds, 

NO. LIII. N.S. E 



50 The Law of Charitable U,<r*. 

are not made on the bed of death, or in the hour of weakness, to 
tin- disinheritance of heirs and kindred, or to the defrauding of 
relatives. 

We really believe that there never was a more impudent 
excuse than this made for the retention of any existing abuse. 
The law of England allows relations to be disinherited for any 
purpose of vice, or caprice, or folly, but for charity, oh ! 
no. Take care what you are about ; here we must be cautious. 
Charity is a seductive virtue, and must be put under watch and 
ward. Supposing, however, that charity ought to be thus 
postponed by law, though nothing else is, yet, is this a reason for 
prohibiting all charity by will whatsoever ? How many testators 
are there, we would ask, after all, who in fact put off the dis- 
position of their property until their last sickness? How many of 
those that do so are really influenced by their position, to give more 
of their property to public purposes, or even to the poor, or to 
the Church, than they would otherwise have done? How many 
even of those w r ho would be likely to be thus influenced, are 
persons who would not prefer the claims of any poor and 
deserving relative, to those of any, however poor and deserving, 
strangers? "We are no advocates, certainly, of death-bed 
charities. Let a man give in his lifetime. And in order 
that he may do this, let the Act of Geo. II. be at once repealed. 
We have shown that he cannot do it now, at least not as far 
as land is concerned, without both difficulty and peril. But, 
because a man ought, for his own sake, to give in his lifetime, is 
this a reason why, on grounds of public policy, his gift, if made 
to take effect after his death, should be taken from those who so 
infinitely need it being the persons for whom it Avas intended 
and distributed among perhaps the cousins-german and cousins 
removed of the testator of the 4th and 5th degree, persons whom 
probably he never saw in his life, and never wished to see ? 
Because a testator is selfish, is this a reason why his donees arc 
to be defrauded ? 

But surely this doctrine of justice to relations is only an idle 
pretext; and one which lies particularly ill in the mouth of 
that Stats which allows in every thing an absolute freedom 
of devise : which permits a man, in favour of his mistress or his 
hounds, but not in favour of the Church of God, to dis- 
inherit his wife and children, in anger or mistake, but not 
in charity, to cut off his sons penniless, and for a whim or a 
caprice, but not for a real and noble project, to turn his daugh- 
ters to starve upon the world. And mark the inconsistency ! 
money a man may leave by will to any amount, to the starvation, 
it may be, of wife and family, to any ' charitable purpose,' i.e. to 
build a new room for geologies in the British Museum, or to 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 51 

set up a Mechanics' Institute, or build a House of Correction ; 
but if he give land he is within the law. Be the purpose ever 
so righteous or necessary, the gift fails ; and if you complain, 
you are met with what ? Why with reasons about disinheriting 
relations, with talk of the greater magnanimity of giving during 
life, and the like. All very undeniable, no doubt ; but singu- 
larly applicable to the gentleman of your acquaintance, who 
has left his 20,000/. balance at the bankers, and other monies, to 
the Museum ; and perhaps even quite wide of the case of your 
present friend, who, "being a bachelor of benevolent disposition, 
without a relation in the world, has left a piece of ground for 
a school-house or an hospital, in the densest population in the 
metropolis. The truth is, that the consideration about jus- 
tice to relations is not only a bugbear, but it is not provided 
for by the present law. The 9th George II. does not touch 
it. That Act allows charitable wills in the case of money. It 
admits the principle. It only prevents landed gifts by will. 
Yet if any one can see why gifts of land are more likely 
to be made in fraud of relations, than gifts of money, we, at 
least, are not that person. The pretext is absurd, the real 
truth of course is evident. Landed endowments give weight. 
Walpole and the Hanoverian Whigs were afraid of the Church. 
They wished to deprive her of weight. This was all their object. 
So they provided against endowments by land. We at this day 
are not the slaves either of the circumstances, or of the preju- 
dices, of the reign of King George II. 

But to return : the real question now before us is, whether 
the power of disposition by will, perfectly unfettered, accord- 
ing to the law of England, in every ordinary case, and for 
every ordinary purpose, excepting this one of ' charitable pur- 
poses,' ought, or ought not, to be set free here also, whether, 
in this single case, artificial restrictions ought, or ought not, to 
be kept up, and, as against this purpose only, the protection 
of relatives ought, or ought not, to be maintained. f Now the 
ruling principle of the modern English testamentary law is, * no 
artificial protection.' The * Legitim,' or compulsory provision for 
relatives, of the French and other codes is unknown here. Dower, 
thirds, freebench, are all now subject to the testator's general 
power of disposition by will. He may cut off his relatives without 
a farthing, for any purpose he pleases, so that that purpose be 
otherwise legal. The Act of Geo. II. itself does not go at all 
upon the ground of protecting relatives. It goes entirely upon 
the positive demerits of giving to * charitable purposes.' It 
discourages gifts to charity, not encourages gifts to relatives. 
Its excepted cases all bequests of pure money are abso- 
lutely unimpeachable as against relatives. The argument, 

E 2 



52 The Laic of Charitable Uses. 

therefore, that relatives ought to be protected, is, strictly 
speaking, beside the purpose. But, at any rate, it proves too 
much. It cuts against the present law of charitable gifts, 
quite as much as it tells for it. 

Is it right, then, that * charitable gifts ' by will should in all 
cases be proscribed in favour of relatives ? For if the argument 
that relatives should be protected is good for any thing, it is 
good to show that testamentary dispositions of money, as well 
as those of land, ought invariably to be prohibited; and that 
the present law, instead of being altered, as we would have it, 
by enabling the disposition of land, ought to be changed the 
other way, by prohibiting the disposition of money. Are the 
advocates of restriction prepared for this? 

And here the consideration recurs with increased force, if a 
man is allowed to disinherit his wife and children, from any 
frivolous or even wicked motive, or from no motive at all, why 
should he not be trusted to make a fit provision for them, when 
the only competing object is one which appeals to liberal and 
generous feelings viz. charity ? 

But it is urged, however, and certainly with truth, that 
' charity,' as understood by the law of England, is not to be 
assumed as being thus invariably a matter of liberality and 
generosity. Legal charity, it is said, and with truth, now 
embraces not only really public and valuable purposes, but also, 
in many cases, matters of less general, at any rate of contro- 
verted, utility. Such, for instance, are trusts for the support of 
Dissenters' worship, for the support of societies professing 
peculiar and narrow objects and principles, and the like. Real 
charity, it might be conceded, gifts for purposes of real good, 
might well take their place and chance with other devises, and 
might be perhaps rightly exempted from proscription. Or if 
all men could agree as to what was, or what was not, really a 
religious and charitable purpose, it might be very well to place 
a gift to such a purpose on a fair and even footing with all other 
testamentary donations. But this is not the case. Sectarian 
animosity, or party prejudice, dictates the gift as often as real 
charity ; and though we would allow this last to take preference, 
if so it chanced, just as we would any other purpose of the 
testator, yet we would not indulge him in the first. 

This is, of course, very undeniable. But the answer really 
seems to us to be perfectly clear. Only carry out your own prin- 
ciple. If free competition is to be trusted to for excluding foolish, 
or unjust, or wicked bequests, we may surely trust it to protect us 
also from vain or 'narrow-minded ones. If we are not afraid of 
allowing a man to disinherit his younger children, to gratify the 
uncertain vanity of perpetuating his family, we need not fear the 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 53 

consequence of allowing him in the still more uncertain vanity 
of perpetuating his prejudices. The law of England trusts to 
individual probity, or affection, as the best safeguard against 
every other hostile influence ; why should such motives be 
insufficient in this case also ? Such motives do indeed fail ; 
there are exceptions to their power ; people do occasionally 
disinherit their relatives, for purposes miscalled charitable, as 
well as for purposes of mere pride, or anger, or malevolence ; 
but depend upon it, that no positive legal restrictions can pre- 
vent such anomalies as these. They do not prevent them now 
as a matter of fact. 

Besides, we have our remedy. Undue influence, if proved, 
invalidates a will at once ; so does mental incompetency . Doctors' 
Commons and the Court of Chancery take very good care that no 
man shall leave his property away from his relatives, for whatever 
purpose, unless he does so willingly and knowingly, in his sourd 
mind, and unbiassed by any undue solicitation or corruption. 
This is as it should be, and this is enough. It is seldom that 
pecuniary bequests to charities, made in improper derogation of 
the rights of relatives, are not, or might not be, set aside 
through these means ; devises of land would be in no worse 
case, if the Act of George II. were repealed, than bequests ( f 
money thus are now. 

And for party spirit, if the danger of encouraging gifts to 
sectarian purposes be urged as a reason for prohibiting gifts to 
charity altogether, it can only be said that our faith in the 
cause of truth must indeed be weak, if we are obliged, in order 
to bolster it up, not indeed to have recourse to penal restrictions 
and disabilities directed exclusively against error, but (something 
even worse than this) actually to give up and proscribe with the 
error all support of truth itself. For the sake of truth, we 
proscribe truth ; and that we may not maintain error, we give 
up the support of its triumphant and ever-enduring antagonist. 

Another reason, however, against death-bed gifts, is slightly 
touched upon in the debates of 1736, and also in the evidence 
now before us. It is wrong, so it is said, to permit death-bed 
gifts to be encouraged, for they are apt to be made on a mistaken 
principle of their saving and inherent merit. Now here again 
we must remind our readers that gifts by will are not necessarily 
gifts made on the point of death ; and therefore that this argu- 
ment, even if there be any thing really in it, does not justify us in 
ruling that all testamentary gifts to charity are necessarily to be 
proscribed. But suppose it did ; what then ? Is it, or is it not 
to be justified, that when our poor are starving, and there is no 
one to help, and when the one only permitted source of assist- 
ance is individual bounty ; that if a man mix up with such an 



.34 The Laic of Charitable Uses. 

act of bouuty, hopes or fears, which are, so far as he is con- 
cerned, wrong and unfounded, we should therefore fling back his 
<;it'ts in the face of him or his representatives, because he 
trusted, peradventure, that he was doing over-righteously, and 
thereby, perhaps, perilled his own soul ? What is it to us that 
the donor hoped, as it is phrased, superstitiously ? Is it for us 
to pry into his motives ? Let it be enough that there was no 
personal advantage, no solicitation, no corruption. Doctors' 
Commons, and the Court of Chancery, generally look pretty well 
to this. If a testator is not in his sound mind, or is under undue 
influence, his will is, and always would be, invalid. What more 
can be wanted than this ? Surely all the rest is between the 
donor and his own conscience. The lawgiver looks not to the 
dead, but to the living. The sincerity of the alms-giving can 
be known only to Him who knows the sincerity of the repentance 
whereof those alms purport to be the fruits. Who shall decide 
on the sincerity or efficacy of a death-bed repentance? We 
repeat that we are no advocates of a death-bed charity. But 
surely it is unwise, surely it is cruel, surely it is wrong, that cold 
and deadening legislation, which is to proscribe altogether acts of 
testamentary charity, lest peradventure they may not have 
been pure from every stain of self; and is to cut off from the 
dying man all power of giving at all, lest perchance he may 
dream that his gift, even then, is not too late, and that it is 
as real a token of denial, as if it had been made when he was in 
life and strength. 

' Charity,' says Bishop Taylor, ' with its twin daughters, alms, 
and forgiveness, is especially effectual for the procuring God's 
mercies in the day and the manner of our death. " Alms deliver 
from death," said old Tobias ; and, "alms make an atonement for 
sins," said the son of Sirach. And so said Daniel ; and so say 
all the wise men of the world. And in this sense also is that of 
St. Peter. "Love covers a multitude of sins;" and St. Clement 
in his Constitutions gives this counsel, " If you have any thing 
in your hands, give it, that it may work to the remission of thy 

sins : for by faith and alms sins are purged." 

****** 

' Now alms are therefore effective to the abolition and pardon 
' of our sins, because they are preparatory to, and impetratory o 
' the grace of repentance ; and are fruits of repentance ; and 

* therefore St. Chrysostom affirms, that repentance without alms 

* is dead, and without wings, and can never soar upwards to the 

* element of love. But because they are a part of repentance, 
' and hugely pleasing to Almighty God, therefore they deliver 
' us from the evils of an unhappy and accursed death ; for so 
' Christ delivered his disciples from the sea, when He appeased 



The Law of Charitable Uses. 55 

' the storm, though they still sailed in the channel : and this St. 
' Jerome verifies with all his reading and experience, saying, " I 
' do not remember to have read, that ever any charitable person 

* died an evil death." And although a long experience hath ob- 
' served God's mercies to descend upon charitable people, like 
' the dew upon Gideon's fleece, when all the Avorld was dry ; yet 
' for this also we have a promise, which is not only an argument 
' of a certain number of years, (as experience is,) but a security 

* for eternal ages. " Make ye friends of the mammon of un- 

* righteousness ; that, when ye fail, they may receive you into 

* everlasting habitations." When faith fails, and chastity is 
' useless, and temperance shall be no more, then charity shall 
' bear you upon wings of cherubim to the eternal mountain of 

' the Lord! 

******* 

* / do not mean, this should only be a death-bed charity, any more 
( than a death-bed repentance ; but it ought to be the charity of our 

* life and healthful years ; a parting with portions of our goods 
' then, when we can keep them ; we must not first kindle our 

* lights when we are to descend into our houses of darkness, or 

* bring a glaring torch suddenly to a dark room, that will amaze 

* the eye, and not delight it, or instruct the body ; but if our tapers 
' have, in their constant course, descended into their grave, crowned 
' all the way with light, then let the death-bed charily be doubled, 
' and the light burn brightest, when it is to deck our hearse /'' 

And this is the charity that we are to fling back in the face of 
the giver ! This is the charity which we, with a fourth of our 
population almost in a state of heathenism, and without hope of 
help except from it, are expected to probe and to test in its 
secret springs and motives, lest, perchance, we should find any- 
thing there that may taint the gift, and having found, or 
fancied, the plague-spot, may cut off from the living the bounty 
of the dead ! Again we ask, is there anything in such a reason 
as this that can justify us in putting disabilities and discourage- 
ments upon free and voluntary beneficence ? 

On the whole, then, the case is this. We have a great want, 
an admitted one ; an appalling, imminent, and most overpowering 
evil. ONE means alone of meeting that evil falls in with the 
temper of the times, or presents the slightest prospect of being 
practically successful. We find that means and source of succour 
hemmed in and fettered round by legal restrictions and disabili- 
ties, the growth of other times and the creatures of other circum- 
stances. We find individual bounty discouraged and proscribed 
by law. We find it subjected to subtle and refined distinctions, 

J Holy Living and Dying 1 , vol. iv. p. 382. Hcber'a Edition. 



r >G The Law of Charitable Uses, 

to intricate conditions, to heavy disabilities. We find one 
subject of its action, viz. land, marked out for peculiar pro- 
hibition. We find one mode of its operation, viz. the testa- 
mentary one, with respect to land, proscribed. We find this; 
and we find no reason that can be alleged for these restrictions, 
save these two viz. : 1. That land ought to be constantly capable 
of alienation, and, 2. That testamentary gifts ought not to be 
mu;le to the detriment of relatives. We find that the first of 
these reasons is beside the purpose ; for that land may, by will, 
be made the object of private bounty, and yet be perfectly 
capable of alienation. We find that the second cannot be sup- 
ported, for that the law of England does, as a matter of fact, 
allow testamentary gifts to be made every day, with perfect free- 
dom, and without any reference whatever to the rights of rela- 
tives, who are constantly disinherited for strangers. 

Can we resist the conclusion ? Can the Act of the 9th of 
George II. maintain its ground ? Sooner or later it must surely 
go ; and, for our part, we cannot help thinking that simple repeal 
would be most beneficial. An Act l to enable charity trustees, 
' with the consent of the Court of Chancery, to sell or exchange 
' their lands in certain cases,' might accompany this repeal ; but 
we are persuaded that simple repeal would be both abstractedly 
the best course, and the one most likely to succeed. Let Lord 
John Manners try it. His noble efforts, already made in this 
cause, are worthy of every sympathy, and of every success, and 
we feel convinced that he must ultimately succeed. But simple 
repeal, AVC are persuaded, has the best chance. Sir James 
Graham, and the other opponents of this most necessary re- 
form, confine themselves, for the most part, to objections to 
the form and mode of the proposed alteration. Let Lord 
John Manners then avoid these objections, by proposing a 
simple repeal. No provisions could probably be framed for 
effectually securing relations against disinheritance, and 
there is, indeed, no more reason why this should be attempted 
in the present case than in any other. Relatives may be disin- 
herited now, and whatever conditions and provisions might be 
introduced for preventing such a consummation in this one 
single case, would only give a handle to the opponents of 
charity. Sir James Graham has, even now, no more to urge 
for the Act of Geo. II. than that it is better to give in life 
than on the point of death a conclusion which everybody will 
grant to him. But in order that charity, even in life, may 
flow unimpeded, this law must be repealed. We repeat, that it 
cannot last long. It cannot stand against the accumulating 
pressure of our religious and temporal destitution. Let its 
opponents then persevere. Its days are numbered ! Sooner 
or later it must fall ! 



ART. III. 1. Die Reformatorischen Bestrebungen in der Katlio- 
lischen Kirche. Von DR. ANTON THEINER. Altenburg. 1846. 
(The Reforming Tendencies in the Catholic Church. By DR. 
ANTON THEINER.) 

2. Zur Rechtfertigung der Deutsch-Katholischen gegen Klagen Ro- 
mischgldubiger. Von DR. H. E. G. PAULUS. Karlruhe. 1846. 
(Defence of the German Catholics against the Accusations of those 
who hold Romish Doctrines. By DR. PAULUS.) 

3. Die Mission der Deutsch-Katholiken. Von G. G. GERVINUS. 
Heidelberg. 1846. (The Mission of the German Catholics. 
By G. G. GERVINUS. Translated from the German. London. 

1846.) 

4. Notes on the Rise, Progress, and Prospects of the Schism from 
the Church of Rome called the German Catholic Church. By 
SAMUEL LAING, Esq. Second Edition. London. 1846. 

ON the 6th of July, 1844, a circular notice was issued by the 

Bishop of Treves, Dr. Arnoldi, stating, that in consequence of 

the urgent request of the Clergy and believers in the diocese, 

the holy relic preserved in the cathedral, being the coat without 

seam worn by our Saviour, would be exhibited for six weeks 

from the 18th of the following August, in order 'that the wish 

of all who have the pious intention of making a pilgrimage to 

Treves, to behold and venerate the holy garment of our Divine 

Redeemer, may be fulfilled, and each may gain the entire 

remission of his sins, granted by Pope Leo X. under date of 

26th January 1514.' 

Mr. Laing has very justly observed, that ' the veneration for 
relics springs from a nobler source than ignorance or super- 
stition ;' and accordingly it has been the common practice in all 
ages, and among the followers of all religions, to preserve me- 
morials of past events, or relics of those whom we have loved 
and lost, and to contemplate them from time to time, with pious 
veneration. Indeed, it would be difficult to believe that man to 
have a faithful and affectionate disposition who does not treasure 
up some such memorials, however worthless in themselves, and 
make them the means of bringing more sensibly before him 
every circumstance connected with the departed, and of strength- 
ening and renewing the love and reverence which he feels. 
Such, too, was the custom which Christians in very early times 
adopted with respect to relics of saints and martyrs, and which 



58 The German Catholic Schism. 

doubtless supplied them with a holy joy, and led to a lively, 
humble, and affectionate faith. 

We need not trace the steps by which this beautiful and holy 
practice was gradually turned into an occasion of the grossest 
superstition, and even of positive idolatry ; the fact, that it had 
been so corrupted, was deemed sufficient to necessitate its dis- 
continuance in the reformed Anglican Church; and we are 
not disposed, in this case, to doubt the wisdom of our Reformers. 
But still there can be nothing unchristian in the simple custom 
itself, and we are glad to find that even so zealous a Protestant 
as Mr. Laing coincides with us in this judgment. 

The genuineness of the relic has in this case occasioned a 
controversy worthy of a more important cause. A History of 
the Holy Coat was first published with the Bishop's sanction by 
Professor Marx, of Treves, in which its genuineness is attempted 
to be proved, and the seeming inconsistencies in the accounts 
given, reconciled. Numerous replies appeared on the Protestant 
side, and the controversy was maintained with great vigour, 
until at last a ponderous volume appeared, produced by the 
united wisdom, ingenuity, and research of two Professors of the 
University at Bonn, which gives a very clear, but rather ludi- 
crous notion of the astonishing patience and perseverance of the 
learned men of Germany. Mr. Laing justly observes, that * the 
' learning, research, and reading bestowed on examining the Holy 
' Coat by Dr. Gildermeister. and Dr. Von Sybel, of Bonn, have 
* not been equalled, perhaps, since the days of Gibbon.' Xot 
contented with measuring the length and breadth of the coat, 
and counting the threads it contains, and submitting the texture 
to a microscopic examination, they have even ascertained the 
composition of the dye with which it was coloured, calculated 
the quantity of this dye which would be required, settled the 
exact price, in thalers and groschen, which it would have cost, 
and triumphantly proved that Jesus Christ could not have 
afforded to wear a coat of such an expensive colour! And 
yet there have been found men of sufficient hardihood to 
attempt the refutation of all these calculations, and the ques- 
tion of the genuineness of the relic is us far from being settled 
as ever. 

On the 18th of August the spectacle commenced, and lasted 
during fifty-six days ; on each of which it was visited by not 
less than twenty thousand pilgrims, a large proportion of whom 
had come from distant places. Archbishops and bishops, nobles 
and learned men, were to be seen all day long mingling in one 
uninterrupted stream with the poorest and most ignorant. En- 
tering at one door of the venerable cathedral, and pausing for 
a moment before the high altar over which the sacred relic was 



The German Catholic Schism. 59 

suspended, they regarded it with pious contemplation, and 
issued from the sacred building on the other side. 

The scene exhibited in that ancient city must have been 
indeed one of an impressive character; and in the words of 
Mr. Laing, must have ' very closely resembled the scenes of the 
tenth or eleventh century, when the crusades were set on foot.' 
Multitudes of pilgrims in processions, formed by the throng of 
people in the narrow roads and streets, with banners flying, 
crucifixes borne aloft; maidens, clothed in white, strewing 
flowers; and the priest of each community at its head, came 
singing hymns, or telling Aves and Paternosters on their ro- 
saries, in regular columns. The whole Rhenish provinces, the 
districts on the Moselle, the cities of Cologne, Coblentz, Metz, 
Nancy, Verdun, Aix-la-Chapelle, Luxemburg, Spires, Limburg, 
Minister, Osnaburg, towns and districts in France, Belgium, 
and Holland, all poured their population in a continued stream 
of pilgrims, moving on and on, without break or halt, towards 
the minster-tower, from which a white banner with a red cross 
was waving above the dense cloud of dust, and the dark mass of 
human beings. 

The whole number of pilgrims is variously estimated at from 
1,100,000 to 1,600,000 persons ; but the mean between these, 
or about a million and a quarter, will probably be no exagge- 
rated calculation. 

It was before this exhibition had closed, while the controversy 
respecting the genuineness of the Holy Coat was still at its 
height, and a new controversy respecting the truth of certain 
miracles, said to have been wrought upon some of the pilgrims, 
was inflaming the anger of adverse parties, it was then that * a 
' cry came from the East, which, like the roar of the lion in 

* the desert, silenced all voices of inferior note. It electrified 

* modern Germany.' This cry was the celebrated ' Judgment of 

* a Catholic priest, Johannes Ronge, on the Holy Coat of Treves.' 
It was dated from Laurahiitte, an iron-foundery in Silesia, and 
appeared first in the 'Siichsische Vaterlandsblatter.' But almost 
immediately an impression of 50,000 copies was struck off, and 
millions have since been circulated in all countries of Europe. 

It is not worth while to reprint this document, which is more 
remarkable for its rude, pithy eloquence, than for depth of 
argument, or correctness of reasoning. It would probably have 
been admired and forgotten if another event, which had long 
before been in course of preparation in the same remote part of 
the country, had not simultaneously become known, and con- 
tributed to give to the appeal of Ronge the importance which 
soon became attached to it. 

In the small town of Schneidemiihl there was a Roman 



60 The German Catholic Schism. 

Catholic curate who had, by his own confession, been from his 
youth up disposed to doubt the claims, and many of the doctrines, 
of his church. The sermons which he preached attracted the 
notice of his ecclesiastical superiors. He was suspended from 
his office; and on the 22d of August, 1844, he published his 
solemn secession from the Church of Home in these words : 
' I renounce the Pope and the false doctrines of the Roman 

* Catholic hierarchy ; but I remain a Catholic Christian, a 

* Catholic priest. I will not become a Calvinist ; not a 
' Lutheran ; not a Mennonite ; not a Greek Christian ; I will 
' remain a Catholic, but according to the words of Holy Scrip- 

* ture, according to the commandments of Christ, and those of 

* his Apostles, I will be, and remain, an Apostolic Catholic 
' Christian ; an Apostolic Catholic Priest.' 

Czerski, then, must be looked upon as the real originator of 
the attempt to found a Catholic Church independent of the 
power of Rome. It is true that without the greater publicity 
which his union with Ronge obtained for him, not a single 
town might, perhaps, as yet have followed the example of 
Schneidemiihl ; but it is likewise true that it was that very 
union which, as we shall see, entirely altered the character of 
the reformation which it was his design to effect. 

About thirty of his parishioners declared their intention of 
seceding from Rome, and of forming themselves into a separate 
congregation, and called upon Czerski to remain with them as 
their minister. On the 1 9th of October appeared their con- 
fession, which, as the first in order of time, is worthy of being 
perused, and also that we may afterwards see how widely the 
subsequent confessions have departed from its spirit. 

It recites, in its first three articles, the Nicene Creed, word 
for word, substituting, after the pattern of the Prussian * Evan- 
gelical Church,' only ' one Holy General ' for ' one Catholic and 
Apostolic ' Church. It then proceeds as follows : 

* IV. We receive the Holy Scriptures as the only sure source of Christian 
faith, and that in the sense in which they are intelligible to every 
enlightened aud pious Christian. 

1 V. We acknowledge that, by Jesus Christ our Lord, seven true and 
proper means of grace (sacraments) are established under the new 
covenant; namely 1. Baptism; 2. Confirmation (the laying on of hands 
with prayer) ; 3. The Holy Supper of the Lord ; 4. Penance ; 5. Orders 
(imposition of hands with prayer); 6. Matrimony; 7. Preparation for 
death (extreme unction) : that these communicate grace ; and that baptism, 
confirmation, and orders, cannot be repeated without sacrilege. 

' VI. We confess that the commemoration of the bloody offering on the 
cross, which is celebrated in the holy mass, may be useful to the living and 
the dead ; that in the most holy sacrifice of the altar the body and blood of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, with His soul and godhead, are truly, really, and 
substantially present, and that the whole substance of the bread is, through 
faith, changed into the body, and the whole substance of the wine into the 
blood of Christ 



The German Catholic Schism. 61 

' VII. We believe that priests not only may receive the sacrament of 
marriage, but that, in order to be worthy patterns for the people, according 
to Holy Scripture, they even ought to receive it. 

'VIII. We confess that the celebration of Divine Service in a strange 
language is contrary to Holy Scripture, and that the language understood 
by the people should be used as well in Divine Service as v in the administra- 
tion of sacraments. 

' IX. We confess that according to Christian doctrine the people must of 
necessity receive the Holy Supper in both kinds, and that the receiving it 
in one is by no means sufficient for salvation. 

' X. There is no purgatory such as is taught by the Romish hierarchy ; 
but there are many mansions in the house of our Heavenly Father, steps, 
as it were, by which to attain unto a perfect contemplation of God. We 
confess that he who on earth has not made himself worthy of the perfect 
contemplation of God will have to pass through these steps, and that for 
this reason our prayers may be of service to the dead, but not the reverse. 

' XI. We confess that Christ alone is supreme Head of His Church, and 
that the Holy Ghost is His Vicegerent on earth. 

' XII. This true Catholic faith, revealed through Jestis Christ, we here 
confess, voluntarily and truly ; we promise, vow, and swear, with God's 
assistance, to hold, and to confess it, uncorrupted, and inviolable, with 
unshaken stedfastness unto the end of our lives ; as also to use all diligence 
that this faith shall be held, taught, and confessed by all those who are 
subject to us, or placed under our care. So help us God, and His Holy 
Gospel. Amen.' 

Such was the first German Catholic confession of faith. It 
was made public a few days only later than the letter of Ronge, 
and the concurrence of the two events produced an enthusiasm 
such as is seldom witnessed among people of so unexcitable 
a character as the Germans. Nevertheless, it was not until 
February of the following year (1845) that the next German 
Catholic congregations were formed. Then appeared, within a 
few days, the confessions of Kreuznach, a small town on the 
Rhine; of Leipzig, Dresden, Worms, Elberfeld, Offenbach, 
Unna, Hildesheim, Wiesbaden, Berlin, and Breslau. The latter 
is the most important of all these documents, because it pro- 
fessed to be drawn up by Ronge himself; because it was 
adopted by almost all the congregations subsequently formed, 
and has since been made the basis of the general confession 
promulgated by the first council of the new Church held 
at Leipzig ; and, because it expresses accurately the character 
which, from the moment of its appearance, the whole movement 
assumed, and breathes in every line the spirit which it is 
intended to diffuse throughout the German nation. Breslau, 
moreover, is the capital of Silesia, and at once a stronghold of 
the Romish hierarchy, and a hotbed of the most revolutionary 
and irreligious tendencies. The more important articles of its 
confession are as follows : 

' I. We declare ourselves free from the Roman Bishop, and his dependents. 
'II. We assert full freedom of conscience, and detest all compulsion, 
falsehood, and hypocrisy. 



62 The German Catholic Schism, 

'III. The foundation and the structure of Christian faith is the Holy 
Scripture. 

'IV. Its free examination and exposition no authority ought to re- 
strain. 

1 V. As the substantial contents of our religious belief, we present the 
following form of it: 

1 1 believe in God the Father, who, by His Almighty word created the 
world, and governs it in wisdom, righteousness, and love. I be- 
lieve in Jesus Christ our Saviour, who, by His teaching, His 
life, and His death has redeemed us from slavery and sin. I be- 
lieve in the working of the Holy Ghost upon earth ; in a holy, 
general, Christian Church ; remission of sins ; and a life ever- 
lasting. 

' VI. We acknowledge only two sacraments as appointed by Christ ; 
1 . Baptism ; 2. The Lord's Supper. 

'VII. We retain the baptism of infants, receiving them after sufficient 
education in religion, by a solemn admission, as self-acting members of 
our congregation. 

'VIII. The Lord's Sapper will be administered, after consecration to 
Christ, in both elements, to the congregation. The congregation receives 
it as a commemorative feast of the sufferings and death of their Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ. Auricular confession is rejected. 

' IX. We believe and acknowledge that Christ is the only mediator be- 
tween God and man. We reject, therefore, the invocation of saints, the 
veneration of pictures and relics, remissions and pilgrimages. 

' X. We believe that the so-called good works have only a value in so far 
as they proceed from a Christian spirit. We reject, therefore, all fasts. 

' XI. We believe and acknowledge, that it is the first duty of a Christian 
to show his faith through works of a Christian spirit. 

'XII. We observe no festivals or holidays but those ordered by the law 
of the land.' 

The other articles refer to the order of divine service and the 
choice and duties of the minister. 

Within a few weeks a large number of congregations were 
formed ; so that on the 22d of March the first general council, 
attended by delegates from twenty-six towns, assembled at 
Leipzig. The evident design of this council was to bring 
together, under one confession of faith, the discordant doctrines 
of the several congregations. But this purpose was not accom- 
plished. The confession of Breslau was indeed adopted as the 
faith of the new Church ; but no sooner had the council 
separated than the congregations of Schneidemiihl, and Thorn, 
and Elberfeld, and Berlin, openly protested against the modern 
heathenism of the new creed, and declared that for themselves 
they intended to adhere to the common Christian faith. At 
Berlin another schism was the consequence ; and there are in 
that city two German Catholic congregations, with their 
separate ministers. 

But notwithstanding this hinderance, the movement increased 
with each day more rapidly, and soon had extended from the 
Baltic to the Alps, and from the Danube to the Rhine. The 
actual number of its members is variously estimated, and it 



The German Catholic Schism. 63 

seems impossible to obtain any accurate knowledge on the sub- 
ject, because it does not seem clear what constitutes membership. 
But thus much is certain, that there has never perhaps been so 
extensive a revolution in which so few men of acknowledged 
talent and learning, of station and influence, have taken an osten- 
sible part. Professors Regenbrecht and Schreiber, Anton 
Theiner and Pastor Licht, are the only names which deserve to 
be recorded. Vast, on the other hand, is the number of avowed 
indifferentists, of rationalists, and men of no professed creed, 
who have swelled the ranks ; and it has been very generally 
believed that the confession of Breslau was drawn up by a 
celebrated leader of the ultra-Hegelites, and that the hymns 
which have been used in their public worship are from the pen 
of a favourite poet of the * Young-German' school. One con- 
vert attributes, indeed, his conversion to the poetry of one 
of that party ; namely, to the * Layman's Gospel' of Frederick 
von Sallet. 1 

In the latter part of the past summer, Ronge made a progress 
through the South of Germany, and was every where received 
with acclamations. His journey was like one continued tri- 
umphal p'rocession ; his carriage hung with garlands ; young 
maidens strewing flowers in his path ; songs of praise greeting 
him wherever he stopt ; festive banquets given in his honour ; 
costly offerings laid at his feet ; all proclaimed him the idol of 
the day. And truly the whole occurrence has taken Europe by 
surprise ; not two years have elapsed, and a revolution has been 
effected for which it has seemed impossible to assign any suf- 
ficient cause, and of which it has appeared difficult to give any 
rational account. 

And if our pages have hitherto been silent with regard to this 
momentous schism in the Catholic Church, which during this 
period has engaged so much attention, it has assuredly not been 
because we undervalued the importance of the movement, or 
were indifferent to the hopes and the fears of all those who were 
watching its progress, striving to anticipate the current of 
events, and to determine whether the result would be for good 
or for evil. On the contrary, we believe that its importance is 

1 We will not defile our pages with a translation ; but those of our readers who 
understand German may see, from the subjoined specimen of this poetry, by what 
means one, at least, has become a German Catholic. 

' " Einer verrath mich heut aus euerm Kreis." 

Johannes fliistert : " welchcr aus der Schaar ]" 

Der ist's, dem ich (" crwiedert Jesus leis) 

Den eingetauchten Bissen reiche dar." 

Er taucht ihn ein, recht hold und giitig schier, 

Und reicht ihn Jcnem sender Gram und Scham. 

Wer wt von zwei'n der grosste Judas hier] 

Der so den Bissen gab, der so ihn nahm V 



64 The German Catholic Schism. 

not yet sufficiently estimated ; that the character of the whole 
has not yet, in England at least, been clearly understood ; and 
the reason of this has been that most persons have derived their 
knowledge of the subject from the unconnected scraps of infor- 
mation conveyed in newspaper reports, and have had no oppor- 
tunity of seeing deeper into the spirit and the designs of those 
by whom the movement is guided. Thus with respect to the 
first of those men, Ronge, very different ideas seem to be almost 
equally prevalent ; and yet neither the one nor the other 
answers to his real character ; there are many who believe him 
to be a new reformer, a second Luther, a determined enemy 
to the tyrannical pretensions of Rome, and an uncompromising 
opponent of superstition and spiritual despotism ; while others 
look upon him as merely a coarse infidel, whose sole aim it is to 
sap and destroy the foundations of Christianity. Our readers 
must have seen both these views maintained, and that even in 
the same publication. And we are not surprised at it ; for in 
both characters has Ronge appeared ; but it is because neither 
one nor the other is the mainspring of his actions; because there 
is a deeper, more powerful motive, because he has far other ends 
in view, and because to accomplish these he would in turn 
become a reformer or an apostate, a preacher of primitive Chris- 
tianity, or a propagator of the grossest infidelity. 

There have been some who from the commencement have 
discerned and exposed the character of the German Catholic 
Schism ; but the boldest and plainest avowal and defence of its 
aim and design has lately appeared in the work of Professor 
Gervinus, himself a Protestant, who takes up his pen for the 
purpose of rousing his Protestant countrymen to a full and 
hearty sympathy, and to an energetic concurrence with, and a 
powerful assistance in carrying out, the scheme. 

The leading events of the German Catholic Schism are so 
well known that we have recorded those only which seemed to 
throw light upon its ulterior ami and design. But before we pro- 
ceed to this portion of our subject, and unfold our views of the 
future prospects of the movement, it may be not superfluous to 
remind our readers that it is in the independence of the Ger- 
manic character that the great opposition to the claims of the 
papal power has always arisen. Germany, even more than Eng- 
land, was at all times ready to furnish some among her emperors 
and her kings, her bishops and her priests, her philosophers and her 
poets, who stood forth to oppose the growing power and perhaps 
the growing corruption of the Church of the South. It would be 
an interesting and a profitable work to trace the manifestations 
of this spirit where, we believe, it has not yet been traced, in 
the relics of mediaeval literature. There are two books, both 



The German Catholic Schism. 65 

very valuable, which approach the subject ; but as well Ullmann, 
in his ' Reformatoren vor der Reformation,' as Flathe, in his 
* Geschichte der Vorlaufer der Reformation,' apply themselves 
only to those 'reformers' who were at the same time schis- 
matics ; and the former embraces only the 14th and 15th cen- 
turies, while the latter scarcely goes back so far as the middle 
of the 13th. We want to find the protest, the continuous, 
never-ceasing protest, of men of sound doctrine and blameless 
life, not against but in the Church ; the protest which should 
show that those were never wanting, who rejected each inno- 
vation and disavowed each arrogant claim, as it was successively 
introduced ; and of such protests the remains of the literature of 
Germany affords a rich and almost inexhaustible store. At the 
commencement of the 13th century, the poetry of the nation 
attained its highest point of excellence, and the songs of the 
minstrels of those days are still among the most beautiful com- 
positions which she has produced. And it will surprise many 
who imagine that the papal power was then acknowledged, and 
Avithout hesitation regarded with unmixed awe and reverence, 
to be told that, among the compositions of the most popular of 
those minstrels, among the works which were repeated and 
committed to memory throughout the length and breadth of 
the land, which were familiar to every ear, and heard from every 
tongue, there are an immense number which treat of the venal 
profligacy of the Papal court, of the false assumption of supre- 
macy by the Bishops of Rome, and of the corruptions and 
errors introduced by them into the Christian doctrine. Among 
such poems the most celebrated is 'Reinike de Voss,' and to 
the same class belong * Reinardus,' and Fishart's * Bienenkorb 
des heiligen Romischen Immenschwarmes.' But there is a 
large number of compositions yet more valuable, both because 
they were in their day more popular, and because they speak 
not in the language of satire, but in the sad and earnest tones 
of sincere and heartfelt grief. 

We will mention only two such authors ; Reinmar von Zweter, 
and Walther von der Vogelweide. The former of these, who 
sang in the year 1228, reproves in strains of noble indignation 
the worldliness, the covetousness, and the sensuality which 
characterised the whole of the higher orders of the clergy, and 
condemns especially the arbitrary and selfish purposes for which 
the power of excommunication was employed by the Pope ; 
and yet he entertains the deepest reverence for the papal 
dignity, and speaks of the Pope as the key-stone of holy 
Christianity, (' das fullement der edelen kristenheite?} and the 
representative of St. Peter (' Sant Peter's kempf}. The songs 
of Walther von der Vogelweide (bom A.D. 1165) are yet more 

NO. LIII. N. 8. F 



66 The German Catholic Schism. 

remarkable ; he was, perhaps, the most popular of all the min- 
strels of Germany ; he was the favourite of princes, and beloved 
and honoured by the people; he was a man of deep religious 
feeling, and loved to sing of religious subjects. In writing of the 
blessed Virgin ^Nlary, more especially, his poetical imagination 
carries him into the highest realms of fancy, and it seems as if 
he could find no words sufficiently tender, no praises sufficiently 
high ; the most graceful images, the most touching ideas, strung 
together like a row of purest pearls, succeed each other so 
rapidly, that we can hardly follow the train of thought in which 
the poet gives expression to all his love and reverence. He 
was a most sincere and zealous Christian ; he not only urged 
kings and nobles to undertake the recovery of the Holy Land, 
but was one who thought it his duty himself to aid in expelling 
the heathen from the place where his Saviour had dwelt on 
earth. In a word, Gervinus 1 truly says of him, * He was faithful 
to the Church, a pious and holy man.' 

But against the corruptions of the servants of the Church, 
against their venality and rapacity, his most severe denuncia- 
tions are unceasingly directed. And chiefly he condemns the 
worldly policy of the Popes ; that interference in worldly poli- 
tics, and assumption of worldly power, which has been the 
fruitful source of all the monstrous evils which have since 
afflicted the Church of Christ. It was by incessantly inter- 
fering in the election of the emperors of 'Germany, by confirming 
no choice which was not in accordance with their worldly views; 
by excommunicating, as in 1210, the emperor who but a few 
months before had been crowned at Rome ; it was by this 
miserable short-sighted worldliness that the hearts of princes 
and people were alienated from the Church, and that the seeds 
of all those evils were sown which afterwards grew up in heresy 
and schism. How forcibly the poet sings, in reference to that 
very circumstance ! * We heard you proclaim to Christianity 

* what duties we had to perform to the Emperor, when you gave 
' him the blessing of God, and we called him Lord, and kneeled 
' before him. And now you should not forget how you then 
' spake : " He who blesses thee, may he be blessed ; and he who 

* curses thee, may he be abundantly cursed ! " Consider now, I 
' pray you, for God's sake, whether you are preserving the 
' honour of the priesthood.' We must, reluctantly, omit many 
beautiful extracts from his writings, and content ourselves with 
a single one, in which he is speaking of the so-called ' donatio 
Constantini ; ' and very poetically describes the ruinous con- 
sequences to religion and sound doctrine of which that fatal 

1 It may be necessary to inform our readers that the same Professor Gervinus, 
who has written ' The Mission of the German Catholics,' is the author of an 
admirable History of German Poetical Literature. 



The German Catholic Schism. 67 

absorption of the State into the Church was the forerunner and 
the cause : from that very day dated the decline of religious 
feeling, the corruption of religious belief; from that very day 
the power of the Church over the bodies and over the temporal 
possessions of her subjects began to increase, her power in the 
hearts and the souls of her faithful children began to diminish. 
Thus the poet sings: 'King Constantino gave to the Chair at 

* Rome, spear, and cross, and crown. But when that took place, 

* an angel cried woe, woe, and a third time, woe I Before that 
'time Christianity stood there so fair and pure; but now a 
' poison is fallen upon her, and her honey is turned to gall, and 

* this, hereafter, will yet be sorrow to the world. Truly has that 
' angel prophesied.' Walther von der Vogelweide, it has now 
been ascertained, was also the author of a well-known collection of 
proverbs, and moral sentences and reflections, published under 
the title ' Bescheidenheit.' This poem is divided into rubrics, 
each of which treats of a separate subject; and there is one whole 
division of the work which exposes the corruptions and innova- 
tions, not only as to discipline and practice, but also as to 
doctrine, which were daily becoming more prevalent. We have 
only space to notice that, especially with regard to the sale or 
granting of pardons and indulgences, and with regard to the 
infallibility of the Pope, he entertains views most strictly in 
accordance with those of the purer times of Christianity, and 
enforces them by the soundest and most conclusive arguments. 

Vain were these and similar protests; a moral blindness 
seems to have fallen upon the Church of Rome, and to have 
incapacitated her, for ever, from discerning what are her own 
best interests. There were, we repeat, at all times some among 
her sons, who foresaw the unavoidable consequences which, by 
the immutable laws of God, this blindness would bring with it. 
Indifference to the truth must be followed by infidelity ; the 
neglect of the interests of the people, by the withdrawal of their 
love and confidence ; sin, by its punishment. And so it was ; 
the protests in the Church were disregarded by the hierarchy, 
and the protest against the Church was the consequence ; we 
need only refer to the history of the Council of Basle, to the 
solemn and most truly prophetical warnings addressed on that 
occasion to Pope Eugene IV. by Cardinal Julian and Bishop 
Andreas Escobar. And not long did these warnings wait their 
fulfilment ; the period of the Reformation came, and even then 
Rome would not repent. And her power over the nations who 
continued to own her spiritual authority was taken from her; 
and she would not repent. And the terrible age of infidelity 
and anarchy passed over her ; and her chief owed his safety, and 
the remnant of his power, to those whom he was bound to 

F2 



68 The German Catholic Schism, 

denounce as heretics ; but she would not repent. And now a 
worse evil than all these is at her doors ; a worse calamity is 
threatening the world; a fair and specious philosophy, a new 
religion for so it is, and so it claims to be is striving to supplant 
Christianity; is making itself heard and felt in every quarter of 
the globe ; is spreading with the rapidity of a destructive fire ; 
appealing to the refined by its beauty, to the reflective by its 
intellectuality, to the ignorant by its simplicity, to the tender- 
hearted by its comprehensive charity, to the careless or selfish by 
the narrow circle of its moral requirements. And it is witlun the 
pale of the Church of Rome that this new religion has first gained 
a name and a habitation; it is among the priests whom she has 
consecrated, and the people whom she has taught, that the first 
teachers and first disciples of this new religion have appeared. 
And yet she will not repent ; and yet she will not see that it is 
for her alone to break down the wall of separation which she has 
built up, between herself and those who would gladly stand by 
her side, in defending the Zion of our God. 

The fault of almost all those who have written on the subject 
of the present schism has been, that they have taken too narrow 
a view of the movement ; they have looked upon it as a question 
of one creed against another creed ; and they have praised the 
rejection of what they considered an erroneous article of faith, 
and condemned the omission of what they assert to be a 
necessary article of faith, without observing that it never was 
the intention of the leaders to promulgate a new creed at all. 
Even that acute observer, Mr. Laing, makes this mistake, when 
he states that ' It would be difficult to find a dozen ploughmen 

* or labourers in Scotland who could not draw out a much more 

* soundly reasoned confession of faith, and articles of dissent from 
' the doctrines and practices of the Church of Rome, than any of 
' these twelve documents given above.' 

Far different is the aim of German Catholicism ; it is to get 
rid of all creeds ; to bring all mankind into a new union and 
unanimity, a unanimity no longer of faith, but of no faith. So 
only, they assert, can catholicity 1 exist ; let men no longer make 
profession of any belief; let them think what they please, but 
forbear to expect that others shall think like them; let them see 
God in nature, for there they must see Him ; and feel Him in 
themselves, for there they must feel Him; and let the only 
religious duties to be performed arise from the necessity of 

1 We know not whether it is necessary again to call the attention of our readers 
to the efforts being made to propagate this new religion in England, as they were 
fully developed in our last number ; but we would take this opportunity of mention- 
ing that the last publication of the ' Catholic Series' has been a translation of 
Gervinus's ' Mission of the German Catholics.' 



The German Catholic Schism. 69 

exercising mutual love, which is a natural, and therefore a divine, 
instinct. 

And this religion is calculated, in these days, to carry all 
before it ; it is so entirely in accordance with the spirit of the 
age, so entirely suited to the present wants, and tastes, and 
habits of mankind ; it requires no study, no self-denial, no con- 
straint ; it is learned in a day, and its one practical duty admits 
of an easy and indefinite extension or contraction, to suit the taste 
and the temper of each individual. It is, therefore, not sur- 
prising, that this new religion should have been latent, to an 
almost incredible extent, among the more civilized, that is to say, 
the more material nations of our days ; and especially in France 
and Germany, in England, and the United States of America. 
But, though so widely spread, there was no body, no external 
appearance of its existence ; and the want of something more 
visible, more tangible, something to impress the senses, and to 
attract the notice of the multitude, was beginning, from day to 
day, to be more strongly felt. 

Then it was that the German Catholic Schism commenced, 
and the want we have described has been the secret of its 
success. We do not mean that Ronge, and Czerski, and 
Theiner had any such premeditated scheme ; and one of them 
at least is probably deeply grieved at the result of their exer- 
tions. Nor had Ronge the power to foresee the consequences 
of his letter to Bishop Arnoldi ; but there were others who 
quickly discerned the purpose to which the strange success of 
these events might be applied, who were well aware that a 
nucleus was only wanting, around which the whole system of 
the no-belief religion might soon be made to arrange itself in 
most harmonious order. Their schemes prospered ; for nine- 
tenths of the press were at their command. The ostensible 
leaders of the movement were either, like Ronge, ambitious 
enough to be brought over to their views, and to be made the 
tools of their designs ; or, like Czerski, weak enough to be cast 
aside and crushed. The excitement was skilfully managed, and 
the formation of German Catholic congregations proceeded with 
such rapidity, wherever the temporal authorities abstained from 
interference, that within a year their number was said to 
amount to nearly three hundred. Nor, we think, does the 
temporary cessation which has taken place in their proceedings 
arise from any inability to carry on the same system of prose- 
ly tism, but rather from the necessity which they feel of pausing 
to consider and arrange their future course. They are, doubt- 
less, aware that in mere numbers they are already strong 
enough ; that now it is necessary to labour with sharper tools 
than they have hitherto required ; the rough form has been 



70 The German Catholic Schism. 

hewn out of the shapeless mass, and now it will be requisite to 
bring out all the finer details of the perfect figure. But for this, 
more time, more judgment, and more skill are required. News- 
paper philippics and trashy pamphlets have served their purpose 
\\rll ; and now they want men of talent and reputation to 
write thoughtful and earnest books, and to impress the world 
with the idea that there is more sense and meaning in the 
movement, than the first riotous proceedings, the noisy meeting 
held alternately in church and public-house, the tumultuous 
assemblage in theatre and market-place, the gay procession 
with flowers and banners, and the somewhat too theatrical 
display, could well be supposed to indicate. 

The three German works at the head of this article, which 
have all appeared in the present year, may be supposed to 
indicate this change of plan. The first of these we have 
perused with much disappointment. Dr. Anton Theiner is the 
only Catholic priest who has yet joined the ranks of the schis- 
matics who had previously deserved or gained a reputation. 
He had long been known as a man of blameless life, and great 
zeal in his profession, and as possessed of considerable erudition, 
especially in ecclesiastical history. It is true he was known to 
be a reformer, and, in conjunction with his brother, had pub- 
lished a large and elaborate work on the celibacy of priests, 
in which he completely exhausts the subject, and proves, by 
an endless detail of facts, which are but too true and too 
melancholy, the enormous amount of guilt and misery w r hich 
the compulsory celibacy has entailed both upon priests and 
people. This w r ork cannot but have gained for him a bad 
reputation at Rome ; but twenty years have elapsed since its 
publication, and although he was removed from his professorship 
of theology at Breslau, no public censure, no suspension from 
his priestly office, had cast a stigma upon his character. 

From the very commencement of the movement it was thought 
probable that he would join the ranks of the scceders ; and all 
those who looked upon the schism as a religious reformation a 
rejection of the errors and corruptions of Rome earnestly and 
anxiously desired that he should do so. The rationalist and 
infidel tendency of Ronge's school, the weakness and imbecility 
of Czerski's, were but too obvious ; and Theiner was looked to 
by many as a new Moses, who should become the leader of the 
oppressed Israel, and deliver them from the chains of their 
captivity. 1 And at last he took the long-expected step ; and in 
the work before us he addresses the congregations, whose minis- 
ter he had been, in his own justification. But we cannot but 

1 Dr. Theiner's Beitritt zur Dcutsch-Katholischen Kirche. Wchnar. 1845. 



The German Catholic Schism. 71 

consider this justification (and we believe it has universally been 
so considered in Germany) as otherwise than a failure. A very 
large part of it he occupied in going over his old ground, and 
giving evidence of the evils of a compulsory priestly celibacy ; 
the remainder is directed against other corruptions in the 
Romish doctrine, other glaring defects in the Romish system. 
But we have looked in vain for any proof, for any attempt at a 
proof, that the doctrine generally held by the German Catholics 
is more pure, more like the primitive Christianity, of which 
Theiner, in former years, was wont to speak in terms of such 
unqualified admiration ; or that, supposing such had been the 
case, it were needful and lawful to create a new schism, and 
to abandon the Church of his baptism, instead of going on, as 
for a quarter of a century he had done, endeavouring, and that 
assuredly not altogether without success, to effect a reformation 
of the abuses which he had so unsparingly denounced. Such is 
our objection to the work of Dr. Theiner : against the truth 
of its contents we have nothing to say ; but he has entirely 
lost sight of the one great point which he ought to have esta- 
blished; namely, that the errors of which he complains made 
it imperative upon him to desert the communion of the Roman 
Catholic Church, and to join a body of seceders, whose pub- 
lished tenets were far more directly opposed to those of which, 
during his whole lifetime, he had been the strenuous advocate. 

Far otherwise is it with the other two works on our list. 
Dr. Theiner takes the negative side ; he only goes to establish 
the unscriptural, unchristian character of the system of the 
Romish Church; he has not a word to say in defence of that 
which it is sought to substitute in its place. The works of 
Dr. Paulus, and of Professor Gervinus, the latest Protestant 
champions of the cause, take a more positive view of the 
question, and are not a mere attack upon Romanism, but a 
defence and justification of * German Catholicism.' 

Of the former of the two we shall not have occasion to say 
much. It is, in truth, a very dull, diffuse, unreadable book. 
The author is well known as one of the veteran leaders of the 
old, or empiric rationalists of Germany ; his name, like that of 
other heroes of the wars of times gone by, is supposed to add 
weight to the cause which he embraces ; but we should suppose 
that his cold scepticism, his ever-recurring doubts and diffi- 
culties, must be very wearisome, and totally devoid of influence to 
the eager enthusiasts of these days, who have adopted a glowing, 
living philosophy of rationalism, in which all is bold and free, 
of which every dogma is based upon a positive chain of reason- 
ing, and nothing is left to mere negation or unbelief. 

Dr. Paulus, in accordance with his whole system, defends the 



72 The German Catholic Schism. 

German Catholics on the very ground which has alienated the 
sympathy of their admirers in our own country, namely, the 
indefiniteness and extreme shortness and simplicity of their 
creed. 

* The earliest traditions of primitive Christianity (the Xew 
' Testament) give us only two confessions of faith. They consist 
' of two or three sentences without the addition of any expl;ui;i- 

* tion. Why should not Christians of our days be permitted to 

* form Christian Societies (congregations and churches) through 

* these same primitive creeds, without beforehand binding 
' themselves exclusively to one of the many different interpre- 

* tations which may possibly be given by different expositors ? 
' * * * The one of these New Testament creeds is pre- 

* served from the mouth of Jesus in John xvii. 3. The words 
' are : " And this is life eternal, that they might know thee the 
' only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom thou hast sent." 

* In addition, therefore, to the " eternal life " of the human 

* spirit, which He took for granted, Jesus required only two 
' points to constitute Christianity : 1. The work, which God had 

* given to Him to perform, centres herein, that He should teach 
' men to think God for themselves plainly, as " Father" (v. 6), 

* as " Holy Father" (v. 11), that is to say, in accordance with 
' the deep moral meaning of this predicate ; and, 2, on this 

* account He himself is the Christ, that is, the sufficient teacher 

* of religion (der Religiositat) for all mankind.' 

Such is a specimen of the reasoning by which Dr. Paulus 
endeavours to prove that the less a Christian professes to believe, 
the more will his belief resemble that of the early saints of the 
Church, and that therefore the creed of the German Catholics 
is a great step in advance, which has been gained over the rest 
of the Christian world. Thus we see that he claims a positive 
good for the new religion ; and this good consists in a quality 
which friends and foes are willing to grant that it possesses, 
namely, a creed which fixes the very minimum of what a 
Christian may be expected to believe. But the ardent friends 
of German Catholicism go much further than Dr. Paulus ; they 
are, as we have already hinted, not content with demolishing 
articles of faith, they would build up a religion of no-faith. 
And here the work of Dr. Gervinus, * The Mission of the 
German Catholics,' takes up the subject, and produces an 
eloquent and elaborate defence of the new sect on this very 
ground. "We shall make no apology for entering into a fuller 
review of this book than the other works before us have 
required. The name and reputation of the author, the fact 
that it has been translated into English, and forced into circu- 
lation by an organized society for the purpose of spreading 



The German Catholic Schism. 73 

the dangerous tenets of which it is the advocate, and above all 
the rapidity with which these tenets are spreading throughout 
Christendom, render it not only desirable, but necessary that 
English churchmen and English clergymen should in these pages 
become acquainted with the character of the enemy whose ap- 
proach is threatening them, and prepare themselves to meet 
and oppose its progress. 

The work of Gervinus is addressed to the Protestant Clergy 
of Germany ; among the Catholics all had been accomplished 
that seemed practicable ; a large number of congregations had 
been formed, and the machinery of the new Church had been 
completed. The time accordingly had arrived when the ulterior 
designs must be carried into effect, or, at all events, attempted. 

Now, it is notorious that there is a society which has existed 
during four years, calling itself the ' Friends of Light ; ' the 
leading members of this society are Protestant Clergymen ; their 
avowed aim is to substitute the light of human reason for the 
light of the revealed word of God^ they have openly declared 
that the rule of faith by which Christian doctrine is to be deter- 
mined, is not, according to true Protestant principles, what it 
had hitherto been asserted to be, the letter of the Bible, but the 
spirit of the age ; and, as a deduction from this, have not hesi- 
tated to declare that their own views are, on many points, 
unscriptural. 

With this party Ronge and his confederates were not slow to 
form an alliance ; and at a banquet given to them at Halle, by 
the * Friends of Light,' the mutual advantages to be derived 
from this alliance were clearly set forth. ' We stand in need of 
one another,' says one of the Protestant orators. ' The great 
Protestant Church lies under a sacred obligation to protect 
and cleave to this new community, feeble as yet, and struggling 
for existence ; yes, and to protect it with the shield of science. 
It has been yours to open out to us entirely new views for the future. 
It is you who have been the first to tread the sacred soil of free- 
dom. We hold out to you the hand of fellowship across the chasm 
which still divides us. We desire that the separation may 
continue awhile, in order that you, who are so inferior in 
numbers, may not be overwhelmed and engulfed in the great 
Protestant Church ; and in the hope that we, by means of that 
separation, may have a fuller sense of what divides us : I repeat, 
we desire it, to the intent no sudden combination may take 
place, but that a union, founded on well-understood and well- 
based elements, may one day link us together.' 
It is clear that the first point, a hearty cooperation with the 
' Friends of Light ' was thus early gained. But the * Friends 
of Light,' though a very active and a very noisy party, are not 



74 The German Catholic Schism. 

a very numerous or a very powerful one. Their strength lies in 
two or three of the larger towns, and even there it is very much 
kept down by the energetic measures of the Saxon and Prussian 
governments, who have good cause to fear the spirit of political 
freethinking insubordination which so frequently accompanies 
that of religious insubordination. 

The great mass, not only of the Clergy, but of the laity in 
Protestant Germany, belong to a somewhat different school; 
they profess still the old so-called * Protestant ' rule of faith ; 
namely, the Bible interpreted according to the private judgment 
of each individual ; but although nominally adhering to the same 
doctrines which were received as the faith of Protestantism in 
the days of Luther, there can be no doubt that in effect they 
have departed very far from it ; and they are, in especial, most 
anxious to be relieved from all obligation to receive what are 
termed the symbolical writings as binding upon them. In their 
Church Service they have, in fact, discarded the Creeds ; and 
they have not scrupled in many places, as at Leipzig, to substi- 
tute, even at Confirmation, a new confession of faith in place of 
the Apostles' Creed. But upon Ordination, or admission to a 
benefice, they are still required to signify their acquiescence, 
not only in these, but also in the ' Confessio Augustana,' and 
the Lutheran catechisms. These, therefore, are become to 
them a * paper pope,' from whose thraldom they profess an 
earnest desire to be relieved. 

It is to this large, poAverful party, embracing, in fact, in its 
various divisions, nearly the whole population of Protestant 
Germany, (for the small sections which adopt the views of Pro- 
fessor Hengstenberg, and the revived tenets of Schleiermacher, 
are insignificant in point of numbers ;) it is to this party that 
Gervinus addresses himself; it is their cooperation that he is 
desirous to obtain; a junction with them that he is eager to 
effect on behalf of the German Catholics. And indeed upon the 
line of conduct which this party may ultimately adopt, every- 
thing seems to depend; they have hitherto, they still con- 
tinue to stand aloof; expressing generally abundance of good 
wishes, and rejoicing, without disguise, in any blow struck at 
the power of Rome ; but yet hesitating to commit themselves 
openly to an offensive and defensive alliance. But times are 
drawing nigh when they must come to a determination ; all the 
power of the Protestant governments will be unable much longer 
to uphold the tottering fabric of the State-Church ; such signs 
of the times as the addresses presented to their royal master by 
the magistrates of Berlin and Konigsberg, as the riots of Leip- 
zig, as the total failure of the convention of divines assembled in 
the Prussian capital, are not to be disregarded. We believe there 



The German Catholic Schism. 75 

are very few men acquainted with the present condition of 
Prussia who do not fully recognise the truth of Mr. Laing's 
assertion : 1 * The Lutheran and Calvinistic churches in Ger- 
many and Switzerland are in reality extinct ;' and when such a 
conviction is widely and universally spread, then we may be 
sure that what is a reality will soon become an external visible 
fact. Few persons are better acquainted with the religious and 
political state of Germany than Mr. Bunsen ; and his whole work, 
* Die Kirche der Zukunft,' is written upon the assumption that 
the existing relations are about to cease, and that the whole 
constitution of the Church must be re-formed and re- organized. 

Now if, when this event takes place, or in anticipation of it, 
the large mass of German clergy and laity were to adopt the 
same principles and to lay down the same rule of religious belief 
as the German Catholics, were in fact to attach themselves to, 
and become a part of, the new body, then a new religious era 
would doubtless commence ; and we have but little hesitation 
in saying, that in Germany at least it will be so, not, perhaps, 
so speedily as some anticipate, but yet not less surely because 
the event may be somewhat delayed. 

It is with the prospect of this crisis before his eyes, that 
Professor Gervinus addresses the clergy of Germany. There 
are three points of view under which it is worth while to 
consider the contents of his work ; and these are the relation 
of doctrine to practice, that of philosophy to religion, and that 
of the Church to the State. 

With regard to the first of these questions, he does not deny 
that the object of German Catholicism is to set up a new 
theory, or at least one which in Christianity has been hitherto 
unknown ; for a holy life has always been considered as the 
fruit of faith, and the advocates of every doctrinal system which 
has been propounded have always endeavoured to show that 
the doctrines which they have preached will bring forth t he- 
best and most abundant fruit. As man believes, so does he 
live ; and vain must be every attempt to work a reform in the 
moral life of the people, which is not based upon a reform of 
the national belief. But such a vain, impossible reform does 
Gervinus expect from the new religion. He advises the clergy 
of his country to give up doctrine altogether, to content them- 
selves with the vaguest, most meagre expression, the * minimum' 
of Christian doctrine, and to turn their attention entirely to 
Christian morality. 'We have long emancipated ourselves 
' from the dread of original sin, Avhich, like the fear of ghost?, 
' was merely an apprehension resulting from superstition; and 

1 Notes on the German Catholic Church, p. 146. 



76 The German Catholic Schism. 

c to the simple ideas of a man of common understanding, a 

* reference to the universal Creator, who has revealed himself 
' in the mighty works of creation to the dullest apprehension, 
' and to the more finely organized mind in the intricate powers 
' of the inward life, has as much, nay something more, positive 
' and obvious in its character, than the doctrine of mediation or 

* atonement can have? 

' Among all the Protestant sects in England and America, 

* rich and multiform as they are in religious parties, the Unita- 

* rians are those who most nearly approach to the grand philo- 
' sophical principles of religion ; and they are not only by far 

* the most intelligent, but also the most estimable? ' I cannot 

* omit asking, whether the clergy in general have ever con- 

* sidered what it means to possess an ecclesiastical and religious 

* edifice, from which the whole educated portion of the cornmu- 

* nity turn away with indifference, or perhaps with scorn? what 
' it means, to turn their backs upon the real and most essential 
1 portion of the nation, and to shut out those in whom alone 

* morality and religion may be not merely a powerless habit, 

* but may become an enlightened principle ? Is it not the 

* universal law of society that morality, and the observance of 

* its requirements, pass from the higher and more enlightened 

* to the lower classes of the people ? "Wherever these classes 
' really sympathize and take part in the religion of the people, 
' there is assuredly a wonderful power in the mere law of morality, 
' a power which has been still preserved upon the German soil, 

* under the relations which have hitherto existed, where moral it>/ 
' is still enjoined, and the people are not given up a prey to dog- 

* matic preaching. Ordinary men usually carry home with them 

* the morality of the sermon, and not its dogmas.'' Pp. 28, 29. 

* There is, as I have said, a wonderful power in the mere lavs 

* of morality; but it is still more wonderful when those laws 
' become a matter of general usage and observance, which bind 

* together a whole people in the bonds of patriotism and 
' religion. And the new principles of the German Catholics 

* have set up as a social rule no ideal, loose, speculative 
' morality ; they have raised the common standard of Christian 
' morality, and laid down the principle of universal love as the 
( basis of their operations. Would to God that the nation and 

* its governments would embrace and give fixity to the new 
' gospel at this stage of its development.' * None of our rulers 

* appear yet to have attained a proper idea of the critical nature 

* of our condition ; none of them are willing to feel or recognise 

* the proximity of the danger, till it shall have reached such a 
' growth and power, as will place them and us in a position in 

* which we shall be bereft of all counsel or help. In the very 



The German Catholic Schism. 77 

' midst, of this unhealthy social condition this religious move- 

* ment has sprung up, which if it be only properly apprehended 

* and guided by princes and people, may act the part of a 
' delivering angel to rescue us from our perilous situation. 

* Shall I be reproached when I say how pitiable sounds that call 
' and demand for theological dogmas in the new system, when we 
' take a review of the whole course and connexion of these 
' circumstances?' Pp. 31, 32. 

These extracts sufficiently establish the fact, that, with respect 
to the first point under consideration, it is the aim of the new 
religion to discard all doctrine, and to set up in its place a morality 
which is to have its source and its fulfilment in mutual love and 
universal toleration. It is true that Gervinus proposes still to 
retain the l vaguest ' confession of Christian faith ; such an one, 
for instance, as the Council of Leipzig has provided for the 
German Catholics ; but it has been well asked/ ' whether such a 

* doctrinal system which falls back upon a " minimum," and con- 

* tains only that which is vaguest,' can be seriously intended ? 
whether this ' be not a mere compliance with the force of habit, 

* a reluctant recognition of that which has become an historic 
' reality, the future continuance of which they dare not at once 

* pronounce impossible ? and whether the moment cannot be 
' already foreseen when they will strip off this last transparent 

* veil of the mere moral idea, and exhibit themselves to the 

* astonished world in unconcealed nakedness ?' 

Transparent enough is indeed that veil already ; and if Ger- 
vinus speaks truly, when he says that German Protestants have 
long ceased to fear that bugbear ' original sin,' that the whole 
educated and enlightened part of the nation turn away 'with 
indifference, perhaps with scorn,' from the preaching of Christian 
doctrine ; then, indeed, the time cannot be far distant when even 
that transparent veil will be cast aside. 

This, then, is the peculiarity of the new religion : we repeat 
it, because it cannot be too distinctly made known ; this is the 
peculiarity, that it is to be a religion, without creed, without 
confession of faith, without articles, without doctrine ; it is to 
be a religion which begins and ends in one feeling, which incul- 
cates one duty, which has but one principle the principle of 
universal love. 

This has been, as Gervinus truly declares, the standard raised 
by the German Catholics, the standard to which are flocking 
the countless hosts of all those who are too proud, too careless, 
too indolent, too worldly, to submit their own reason to the 

1 Die Protcstantische Geistlichkcit und die Dcutsch-Katholikcn, p. 10. Von Dr. 
Daniel Schenckel. Zurich, 1846. 



78 The German Catholic /Schism. 

word of God. This truth has more and more developed itself', 
as Ronge and his companions have become emboldened by suc- 
cess, and have felt their footing surer beneath them. One of 
Rouge's later publications has been ' Kirchtagliche Perikopen 
fur die Christ-katholische Kirche.' This work, which consists 
of selections from the New Testament, similar in arrangment to 
the Epistles and Gospels of the Church, is designed not only to 
be used by the congregations during public worship, but to 
supply generally the place of the Bible ; and Ronge himself, in 
the Preface, calls upon his more wealthy followers to purchase 
and distribute, among the poorer of their brethren, ' this gospel.' 
And what passages of the New Testament has the 'new Reformer 1 
selected? This, also, he tells us in the Preface : ' Those pieces 

* have been chosen which openly condemn, as unchristian, all 

* tyranny over the conscience, all despotism of belief; which 
' condemn sectarian hatred, and the love of mutual anathenia- 

* tizing; further, those pieces which represent nominal Chris- 
' tianity as insufficient, and insist on the contrary upon the 
' carrying into practice Christian doctrine, and especially upon 
4 fulfilling the commandment to love our neighbour, and to 

* relieve the external wants of the afflicted.' 

Scarcely need the veil be removed when we find the acknow- 
ledged leader of the new religious party promulgating this as 
his new gospel; when we find, that in all the services of his 
Church, on all the festivals and holidays, as well as Sundays, of 
the year, all doctrine is to be strictly avoided ; and, on the 
contrary, the only condemnation that is to be threatened is the 
condemnation of those who assert that there is any doctrine which 
it is necessary for salvation to believe. 

AYe must return to Gervinus, and hasten to consider the 
second point we mentioned, namely, the relation of philosophy 
to theology. And here we find him the representative of views 
which are but too universally received throughout all the higher 
classes of his countrymen. It seems, indeed, to be the generally- 
received idea in Germany, that Christianity was all very well 
in its day; that while men were ignorant and uncivilized, it 
answered its purpose and kept them in order, and succeeded 
more or less in its purpose of inducing them to fulfil their duties 
in the various relations of life. Nay, it is admitted, that there 
are some unhappy regions which are still so benighted, some 
remote and rural districts still sunk in such darkness and igno- 
rance, that it would be as well to leave them a little longer in 
the possession of their faith. But these are exceptions. The 
world at large has escaped from the years of its long minority, 
and is become intelligent and wise, and capable of being eman- 
cipated from the leading-strings of religion, and of walking 



The German Catholic Schism. 79 

safely and boldly in the bright light of philosophy. The former 
state was one of subjection, of imperfection, of ignorance; that 
into which they are entering, is one of freedom, of full and 
perfect wisdom. 

To this point, since the days of Kant, has the philosophy of 
Germany been tending ; to this point has tended the literature 
of the nation, those beautiful compositions which have placed 
her poets and romancers, her historians and her dramatists, 
among the most illustrious whom the world has produced. We 
quote again from Gervinus : ' The Protestant mind, filled with 

* Luther's spirit, turned against Luther's own words, and 

* Lessing and Herder have led us to clearer and freer views of 

* a religious life, in which it is good for us to remain. These 

* are, in fact, the founders and leaders of the present reforma- 
' tion ; these are the great men who are missed from the scene, 

* who anticipated the present age in the depths of their own 
' minds, and whose views the nation has never ceased to follow.' 

* Goethe and Schiller, Voss and Jean Paul, Winkelmann and 
' Wieland, Forster and Lichtenberg, all shook off the fetters of 
' dogmatic theology ; and every educated man in the nation, 
' each after his own fashion, has followed their example.' ' And 

* how should it be otherwise ? The seed sown by these men, 
' the most illustrious whom Germany has produced since Luther 
' and Leibnitz, has taken deep root in the soil of the nation, 

* grown luxuriously in a thousand alluring forms of poetry, in 

* thousands of books of science, penetrated into the very core 

* of the religious life of the people,' ' enlightened men's under- 

* standing, and rooted out of their hearts a sectarian and denun- 
' ciatory spirit.' Pp. 23, 24. 

And now we must conclude this portion of the subject with 
an important extract from the same writer, which will show what 
is the real religious condition of Germany, as depicted by one 
whose powers and means of judging none will doubt or deny ; it 
is upon their knowledge of this spiritual state of their country- 
men that the hopes of the promulgators of the new religion 
are founded, and that not without good cause. 

* Are there any reasonable men of the present times who 

* deceive themselves, or wish to deceive others, by supposing 
' that the faith and principles of Luther can be again revived 

* amongst the people at large, or that any similar religious 

* system can be introduced with a similar influence and power ? 
' Both are departed with the age of Luther ; and if such a case 
' be ever to return, it can only happen in an age from which the 

* circumstances and men of the present time shall have passed 
' away, in which Providence shall have dashed to atoms the 

* present German world and its civilisation, cast them anew 
' into the crucible of centuries, and changed their character by 



80 The Ger?nan Catholic Schism. 

f the admixture of new races of men. But as times now are, 

* seeing that there lies between our age and the religious age of 
' Luther a century, during which freethinking has been seated 

* upon thrones, science has been born, and knowledge fermented 
' the whole body of society ; that in the book of nature a new, 
' eternal, and irrefutable revelation has been read, which has in 

* many respects uprooted the mere letter of written revelation, that 
' in these times the human mind has advanced to a bold spirit of 

* self-estimation, nay even of self -idolatry, while the hard-earned 
' subsistence of the masses of the people tax the whole of their 
' strength, and the whole intellectual powers of educated men 
' are busily engaged in endeavouring to unravel the mysteries of 

* the world in a philosophical way in such an age and in such 

* times there is an impassable gulf placed, which effectually bars 
' the return to a condition of such universal religious dominion.' 

* Nay, the system of faith which the ablest of our present 
' orthodox clergy place before the public, and that too merely in 
' a defensive attitude, must be acknowledged even by them- 

* selves to be inconceivably different from the system of those 
' times, and from what would even meet the religious wants of 
' the common people of the present, who cling to the usages and 
' forms of bygone ages. Speculation and philosophy, historical and 

* mythological investigations, have taught men to discover deep 

* truths in Christian dogmatics, even in those articles of belief 

* which appear most completely to do despite to all the principles 
' of reason truths that, in fact, open up to the freest minds the 

* wonderful depths of the human intellect, which, full of the 
' spirit of divination, icorks and creates the myths of history and 
' religion. But the intelligent clergy who find in these wonderful 

* depths the contentment of their own thinking minds, dare not 

* offer these things to the ordinary and unenlightened minds of 
' the people, as any compensation for what they had hitherto 

* sought under the words and letters even of the dogmas to 
' calm and satisfy their religious wants, and to secure to them 

* any confidence in questions relating to their spiritual nature 

* and destiny. The professors of this philosophical orthodoxy of 
1 our times, whose scientific importance I am very far from under- 

* valuing, can never pretend to profess the faith of former times 

* the faith of Luther, the faith of a simple people, much less 

* can their views be accepted as a substitute for it. I shall be 
' completely silent with respect to the thorough orthodoxy of the 

* theological craftsmen which, for icant of a better, must still suffice 
' for the wants of the peasantry ; that which has been long since 
' left behind, even by the lowest classes where they have had 

* any intercourse with the world, or mixed with the better edu- 
' cated or more enlightened people of the towns.' Pp. 19, 20. 

Such is the picture drawn by one of the ablest men in Ger- 



The German Catholic Schism* 81 

many of the present condition of that country in a religious 
point of view ; religion only existing among a few half-savage 
boors ; science and speculation flourishing among the educated 
and enlightened ; God and Christ vanishing entirely from the 
national mind, nature and self the objects of their worship. 

We come now to the third point which we have proposed for 
consideration, the relation, namely, of the Church to the State. 
And it will be well to remember, that many of the most eminent 
theologians have admitted, what is but too evident, that * Pro- 
* testantism succeeded at the Reformation in acquiring a common 
' theology, but not a common Church.' A Church cannot exist 
without authority ; the authority may be greater or smaller ; 
it may exist in the articles and creeds, or in the forms of 
worship, or in the ecclesiastical government, or in all these com- 
bined ; but where there is no principle of authority at all, there 
can be no Church. Now the German Protestant Church has 
. never laid claim to the possession of any authority except the 
authority of the Bible; and that surely exists only in name, 
where there are 'quot capita tot sensus,' where even the 
authenticity and inspiration of each book of the Scriptures is 
determined according to the private judgment of each individual. 

The real ecclesiastical and religious authority has never since 
the Reformation been vested in the Church, but in the State ; 
the prince of each petty principality has been a petty Pope, and 
has imitated the policy of the real Pope in conveniently over- 
looking heresy and disregarding error, just so long as the error 
in question did not affect the privileges or the power of the 
governing party, and no longer. The poverty and absolute 
dependence of the clergy upon the various governments has 
made this authority of the temporal governors an irresistible 
tyranny, from which there has never been any hope or chance 
of escape. This absorption of the so-called Church into the 
State, has been, we do not hesitate to avow, most fatal and de- 
structive to religious truth ; but still there has been some autho- 
rity somewhere ; and if, on the whole, it has been negligently 
and injuriously exercised, still, in some cases, and especially in 
our own days, there have been rulers who have made a wise and 
beneficent use of it. But in the proposed German Catholicism, 
there would be no shadow of authority, and, therefore, not even 
a semblance of a Church, even as a part of the machinery of State. 
It would be the most perfect specimen of a religious democracy: 
Gervinus announces, * congregations must, in future, choose their 

* own clergy; and in this they must and will be guided according 

* to their sense of their own wants and the average condition of 
' their education ; whilst the clergy, on their part, will attach 

* themselves to that confession and school which is most in 
' accordance with their nature and convictions.' * Such a plan 

NO. LIU. N. S. G 



82 The German Catholic Schism. 

( might, perhaps, be a preservative against the inroads of sects, 
f and sectarian zeal, which originate only under a system of ex- 

* elusion and persecution, and whose melancholy consequences, 
' as is every where manifest in England and America, merely 

* cause a more ignorant zeal against heresy, the retardation of 
f all progress, a lagging in the intellectual movement of the 
' nation, or the rigidity and stand-still of all doctrines. Such a 

* freedom as that now advocated, under which every clergyman, 

* every layman, and every congregation would be allowed to 
' follow his or its convictions, under the comprehensive pro- 

* tection of the State, may be called vague and convenient by our 

* orthodox clergy, but they must not deny that both seriousne^ 
' and depth may belong to such a state of things.' P. 53. ' In 
' order, however, that this individuality should not degenerate 
' into extremes to prevent the voluntary principle of America 
' from taking root among us, as well as that of Romish unity from 

* maintaining the ground already taken, 1 the state must bear 

* a part in this work of Church reunion.' * The State would 
' have nothing more to do among us than to exclude the wanton 
' and extreme caprices of the general Christian association, to 
' guard against foreign (Romish) interference, and to forbid all 
' secret promotion of religious things by means of associations 

* and corporations ; but, at the same time, to incorporate (that 

* is, to receive under the shield of its sanction) all that would 
' concur even in the widest Christian confession of the new 

* Church, or whatever other confession should be appointed as the 
' general standard. Whether, then, the nature of the people 
' would work so powerfully among us, that the nation, in obedi- 
' ence to a national impulse, would grow internally as well as 
' externally in religious unity, or whether the Churches hitherto 
' existing, would maintain their place beside one another, and 

* seek their common bond of alliance, not in formulas of faith 
' and liturgical services, but in national brotherhood and Christian 

* love and toleration, must be left to the free development of 
' the times and of history.' P. 56. 

Our space will not permit us to follow, in all its details, the 
plan proposed by the author for carrying out his idea, his great 
idea, we must call it, of establishing, upon the foundation laid 
by Ronge and his companions, a new national Church. Suffice 
it to say, that he sees all the difficulties and hinderances by which 
it is likely to be impeded, and admits, that in consequence of 
the ignorance of the multitude, the divisions among the learned, 
the ambition of the priests, the indifference of the educated, the 
love of quiet among the princes and their servants, the count cr- 

1 It seems, then, that the perfect toleration is not to extend to the members of 
the Church of Rome, who, in the Prussian dominions alone, amount to nearly six 
millions in number. 



The German Catholic Schism. 83 

action of the Curia, the uncertainty of the form which the new 
party may assume, that, in consequence of all these and other 
circumstances, * the whole of this movement in the religious 

* world may soon reach its conclusion, and with it that the ques- 
'tion of a reunion of confessions now agitated may fall to the 
'ground.' But, notwithstanding this admission, he thinks it 
more probable that the agitation will be successful, and that, 
from the great political importance of the movement, from the 
readiness with which every appeal in behalf of German union is 
responded to, from the prevailing opinion in favour of perfect 
freedom of faith, this general question will soon absorb and 
swallow up the narrower Komish question first raised ; and that 
' the efforts of its adherents will no longer be directed to the 
' founding of a German Catholic or a Christian Catholic sect, 
' but to the establishment of a national German Christian Church? 

And we believe the author to be right ; there is an extraordi- 
nary religious and political fermentation going on throughout 
Germany; and a small impulse is but wanting, an event as 
unimportant in its real nature, as the letter of Ronge, to produce 
the most violent and wide-spreading explosion. Whether it will 
be so, it is for time and circumstances to determine ; but if it be, 
then the effects of the movement will assuredly not be confined 
to Germany ; and it will be well for us if we are prepared to 
meet and resist its influence. 

We have devoted a large portion of our space to the work 
of Professor Gervinus; but, as we commenced by saying, we 
do not think that its -importance can well be overrated. It 
brings most clearly before us the real nature, the present posi- 
tion, and the future prospects of the German Catholic schism ; 
and shows how false have been the views of those who have 
lavished their praises upon the movement, regarding it as a 
religious reformation of Christian doctrine and practice similar 
in its nature to that of the sixteenth century; how narrow the 
views of those who have pitied the leaders for their imbecility, 
or condemned them for the negative character of the confessions 
of faith which they have promulgated, without perceiving that 
it is this very absence of religious doctrine which gives to the 
movement its positive, definite character, which makes it a 
new religion, different from any the world has ever seen before, 
which constitutes it, what it boasts itself to be, ' a new way of 
' salvation, in which, after all the formations and transforma- 

* tions which Christian doamatics have assumed under the hands 
' of councils, .synods, universities and theologians, Christian 
( morality has been put forward, and made the chief ground of 

* religious zeal and anxiety.' 

G2 



84 



ART. IV. The English Works of THOMAS HOBBES, of ' Malmesbury ; 

now first collected and edited by SIH WILLIAM MOLESWORTH, 

Bart. 1 1 Vols. Longman and Co. 
THOM2E HOBBES, Malmesburiensis, Opera philosophica , qucc latinc 

scripsit omnia ; in unum corpus mine primwn collecta, studio et 

labore GULIELMI MOLESWORTH. 5 Tom. Apud Longman 

et Soc. 

WHEN an author, who began to write more than two hundred 
years ago, and whose pen and voice have both been silent for 
more than a century and a half, comes before the literary world 
in a new dress, and under novel auspices, we naturally inquire 
the reason of his reappearance. In his day he laboured, and 
had his influence, strengthened this side or that, was the object 
of general honour or dislike; or, if too inconsiderable to attract 
such wide-spread notice, at least had a little world of his own, 
in which he was a great man, made enemies on his own small 
scale, and drew a scanty knot of admirers about him. But this 
is over ; he has become matter of history ; the multitude have 
ceased to think of him. A feAV only of those who wrote so long 
ago are still generally read and studied. Both the names and 
the works of the greater part are buried in the dust of our 
libraries. Another class, intermediate both in importance and 
number, are still well known by name ; the ' well-informed' man 
is familiar with the titles of their principal works, yet he may 
be unacquainted with their contents, and not blush at his 
ignorance. In this class comes Hobbes. Every one knows who 
is meant by ' the author of the Leviathan.' What kind of mat- 
ter is heralded by that quaint and suggestive title, the majority 
know, and will continue to know, only at second-hand, from 
the occasional allusions to Hobbes, in the pages of more distin- 
guished contemporaries, from the refutations which have over- 
whelmed his opinions, and at the same time preserved their 
memory, or, at best, from some such synoptical view of his sys- 
tem as that given by Mr. Hallam. 

Why then, we ask, has Sir William Molesworth selected the 
works of Hobbes as the field of his editorial labours ? This is 
no idle or aimless question. The man of literature, like the 
artist, is responsible for his choice of a subject, as well as for 
his method of treating it. This responsibility increases, in pro- 
portion as his labours are meant to tell directly on the actual 
work of life. We do not look very closely into the matter of an 
old chronicle, or the moral of a half unintelligible ballad, which 
may happen to interest the literary antiquarian. Evil is not, like 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbwy. 85 

good, immortal. The plague-Infection may cling for a long time to 
the bones of its victim, but at last it leaves them ; they may be 
tossed on the shore of time, till they are blanched by wind and 
water. Though they may be valued too highly, AVC must still 
respect the feelings which treasure the relics of the past. Again, 
we make great allowances for those, who, full of admiration of 
some noble character, are led by their enthusiasm to attach 
undue importance to his literary remains. It is well, that the 
statesman who was greater in the chamber than in the study ; 
that the soldier who was less skilful with the pen than with (lie 
sword ; that all who have left their impress on the world in a 
larger character than is easily contained on paper, should find 
some devoted admirer, to whom that w r hich they wrote indiffe- 
rently should be precious, in virtue of that which they acted 
nobly. Nothing which is not excellent in itself is more genuine 
and less displeasing than the exaggeration of well-placed affec- 
tion. But, while we allow considerable latitude to the critic 
and the biographer, we are bound to regard any endeavour to 
revive old opinions with as much jealous scrutiny as we should 
bestow on the introduction of new. Nor must we, in the 
struggle of intellect, despise those who have recourse to the 
armoury of former ages. The weapons may be still serviceable, 
though of somewhat unusual shape ; more massive than those 
of modern days, if therefore not so easily wielded ; of better tried 
"strength, though of less brilliant polish. The editor whose object 
is proselytism should be subjected to exactly the same ordeal as 
an author. If his acknowledged aim is to convince his readers, 
he will not object to such a procedure ; if he conceals his mo- 
tives, he fights under false colours, and deserves no mercy. We 
believe Sir William Molesworth would at once avow, that 
he looks with no unfavourable eye on Hobbism. However this 
may be, a brief notice of the author, and the treatment he re- 
ceives at his editor's hands, will show to which class the edition 
belongs, and leave us at liberty to form our judgment accordingly. 
It will be plain that it originates directly, neither from the love 
of literary labour, nor from admiration of the man, but from 
sympathy with the opinions of the writer. 

We cannot suspect Sir William Molesworth of the desire to 
erect Hobbes into a hero. Considering the stirring times in 
which he lived, he could scarcely have had a personal history 
less attractive and interesting. Perhaps the most prominent 
feature of his life is the very obvious one of its length. Born in 
1588, when the terrors of the Armada seemed to be shaking the 
firm-set throne of Elizabeth, he lived through the troublous 
period of civil war and confusion, witnessed the end of the 
Protectorate, and died in 1079, when Charles the Second had pos- 



86 The WorJcs of Thomas Holies., of Malmeslury. 

sessed for nearly twenty years his hereditary dominions. The son of 
a poor clergyman, he was indebted for an Oxford education to his 
uncle, a rich glover and alderman of Malmesbury. At Magdalen 
Hall he enjoyed the full benefits of puritan training. On taking 
his B.A. degree, the recommendation of the then Principal led 
to his introduction to the Cavendish family. He was tutor 
successively to two future earls of Devonshire. The connexion 
once formed, was never broken off, though for a period of three 
years it was suspended by accidental circumstances. The civil war, 
and the shadows which it cast before it, in part interrupted the 
even tenor of his life. His pen testified his apprehensions. He 
was induced to publish his translation of Thucydides, ' to the 
' end that the follies of the democratic Athenians might be laid 
* open to the men of our country.' The Parliament of 1640, by 
its attacks on the regal power, provoked him to assert the inalien- 
able rights of sovereignty. He wrote a treatise on the subject, 
of which, though not printed, several copies were circulated ; his 
name became known, and he began to fear for his safety. He 
regarded with alarm the condemnation of Mainwaring, who, he 
said, 'preached his doctrine.' Accordingly, he fled to Paris. 
But his political opinions were of a kind not likely to be long 
obnoxious to any rulers who were conscious of power. Thus he 
could venture back to England in 1650 or 51, about the time 
that he published his * Leviathan.' Neither was; the Restora- 
tion to him a source of terror. While at Paris, he had instructed 
Charles, then Prince of Wales, in the elements of mathematics ; 
and the King had no serious cause of enmity against his old tutor. 
On the contrary, he seems to have liked him ; at least, he re- 
ceived him graciously at court, and granted him a pension: 
though more willing, as may be supposed, to patronize the man 
than to sanction his works. For Hobbes was not insignificant 
enough to escape the censure of parliament, which thought it 
worth its while, in October, 1666, formally to condemn the 
Leviathan. This had some effect on its author ; though he re- 
tracted nothing, he became more cautious, and seems to have 
been really possessed with an idea that the bishops had a plan 
to burn him. However, nothing of the kind occurred, and he 
lived quietly on. Some years before his death, he finally left 
London, and henceforth divided his time between Chatsworth 
and Hardwick, both seats of his patron. At the latter place he 
died, without the offices of religion, in December 1679. 

As there was nothing heroical in the incidents of his life, so 
neither was there in his conduct. He displayed neither signal 
virtues nor flagrant vices. One good quality he possessed, which 
might seem foreign to the general character, both of the man 
and his pliilosophy ; and that was liberality. He was careful 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, oj Malmesbury. 87 

for the welfare of his poor relations, and made provision for the 
child of his sin. Though in their excess he might despise the vices 
of the day, he did not pretend to hate them. A saying of his has 
been recorded, that he had been drunk in his life a hundred 
times, 'which,' Ms biographer quaintly observes, 'considering his 
great age, did not amount to above once a year.' No artificial 
polish of manner helped to render him an attractive character. 
We read, indeed, that he was recommended to his first patron 
by his * sedulity, temperate and jocund humour;' but either 
his prudential turn of mind, which was strong from the first, 
made him careful in his bearing, or his temper altered with his 
years. Those who enjoyed his confidence tell of his open and 
cheerful disposition.; but he was not anxious to display these 
favourable points of character to strangers. Even at court his 
rough and surly humour showed itself, though doubtless under 
proper restraint. * Here comes the bear to be baited,' was the 
customary salutation of the merry monarch. And Lord Claren- 
don, writing, in old age and exile, against the 'false and evil' 
doctrines of the Leviathan, while he allows to Hobbes the 
praise of ' probity and a life free from scandal,' has a passage 
alluding to this defect, which it may be worth while to quote. 
'The work receives great credit and authority from the 
known name of the author, a man of excellent parts, of great 
wit, some reading, and somewhat more thinking; one who has 
spent many years in foreign parts, and observation, understands 
the learned as well as modern languages; hath long had the 
reputation of a great philosopher and mathematician, and in his age 
hath had conversation with very many worthy and extraordinary 
men, to which, it may be, if he had been more indulgent in the 
more vigorous part of his life, it might have had a greater 
influence upon the temper of his mind; whereas age seldom 
submits to those questions, inquiries, and contradictions, which 
the laws and liberty of conversation require. And it hath 
been always a lamentation among Mr. Hobbes' friends, that he 
spent too much time in thinking, and too little in exercising 
those thoughts in the company of other men of the same, or of 
as good faculties, for want whereof his natural constitution, 
with age, contracted such a morosity, that doubting and con- 
i radicting men were never grateful to him.' 
The most interesting point of view, perhaps, in which we can 
regard Hobbes, is incidentally mentioned by Lord Clarendon in 
the above quotation his connexion during the course of his 
long life, with great and extraordinary men. On either side of 
the civil war in the reigns of James and Charles L, during 
the Protectorate, and after the Restoration, famous names 
cluster about him. Ben Jonson, Cowley, Lord Falkland, 



88 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury 

Gassendi, Galileo, Harvey, Selden, Chillingworth, are included 
in the list of his acquaintance. Milton acknowledged his talents, 
but did not like him. There could be no sympathy between the 
materialist and the poet the advocate of an ideal despotism, and 
the stern practical republican. But to pass from his friends to 
his enemies, and to dwell on the storm of opposition which his 
Avritings raised up against him, would be to open a subject of 
almost indefinite extent, and foreign to our present purpose. 
We must not however forget that his literary history is asso- 
ciated with that of Lord Bacon and Descartes. As a translator 
of the writings of the former into Latin from the original 
English, his name occurs in connexion, oddly enough, with that 
of George Herbert. Nor was this the only way in which 
Hobbes was useful to Bacon. The active mind of the ex-chan- 
cellor could not bear to be unemployed, even while he was 
walking in his ' delicate' groves at Gorhambury. His custom was 
to have a companion at his side, ready to commit to writing any 
thought which suddenly occurred to him. For this purpose 
Hobbes was a favourite. His notes were always intelligible, for 
he understood what he wrote. No wonder that others, who 
were less quick in catching the philosopher's meaning, were less 
accurate in registering it. With Descartes he crossed spears 
in a friendly contest. He supplied the third set of objections to 
his famous 'Meditations.' In compiling these, he probably 
took more pains than Descartes in answering them. The French 
metaphysician undoubtedly treats his English opponent with 
considerable contempt. This, we must confess, is at least in 
part deserved. Hobbes is far too self-confident and dogmatic 
to appreciate the position of those who differ from him. He 
cannot sympathize with them sufficiently to understand their 
meaning; he insists on regarding every question from his 
favourite point of view, and fails to do justice even to the 
phraseology of his adversary, which he will interpret by no 
philosophy but his own. His absolute inability to understand 
the Cartesian use of the word * idea,' rendered the refutation 
of his separate arguments almost unnecessary. All ideas, he 
would teach us, are gained through the senses ; we can there- 
fore have no idea of the Supremo Being, or even of an angel. 
Arguing, as he does, on this startling assumption, he meets with 
little consideration from the philosopher, one of whose favourite 
positions was, that from the existence of the idea of God, could 
be drawn a proof of His necessary being. 

But Hobbes did not by any means confine himself to criti- 
cizing the systems of others. He devised a complete circle of 
philosophy of his own. No subject was left untouched mathe- 
matics, physics, ethics, politics, or theology; on all he wrote, 
on most acutely, on none safely. The merit of his mathematical 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 89 

works is not at all in proportion to their number. Nor could 
we anticipate excellence from the circumstances under which he 
began his geometrical studies, or the spirit in which he pursued 
them. When forty years old, he happened to take up Euclid's 
Elements in a gentleman's library. The forty-seventh propo- 
sition of the first book attracted his attention ; and on reading 
the enunciation, he exclaimed with a profane oath that it was 
impossible ; but a little study bestowed on the demonstration 
convinced him of his mistake. 

From this beginning arose his love for Geometry. But his 
experience of the falsity of first impressions did not succeed in 
making him attach due weight to authority. For the opinion 
of others, however well supported, he always had a great con- 
tempt. It was a common remark of his, that ' if he had read 
' as much as other men, he should have continued still as igno- 

* rant as other men.' This extreme independence of thought he 
manifested in his mathematical investigations. His treatise 
' De principiis et ratione Geometrarum' was written to prove 
that there is no more certainty in the works of mathematicians 
than in those of physical or moral philosophers, and was directed, 
as the title-page informs us, ' contra fastum geometrarum.' 
One sentence of the dedication is startling. * Whereas I differ 

from almost every geometer, I perceive my reputation to be in 
considerable danger. Of those who have written on these 
subjects, either all are mad but me, or I alone am mad. 
The choice lies between these two opinions, unless (as some 
may perhaps assert) we are all mad together.' The result of 
his labours is such as might be expected from his unhappy rash- 
ness. The new is not true, and the true is not new ; while he 
is content to follow, he displays his usual acuteness ; when he 
becomes original, he gains nothing but errors peculiarly his own. 

* One had rather err with him, than hit the mark with Clavius,' 
was the language even of his friends a sentiment which always 
breathes the hyperbole of affection, and becomes absolutely 
unmeaning when abstract truth is in question. 

His physical philosophy can, at best, claim no higher place. 
With a want of judgment particularly inexcusable in one who 
had shared the converse of Bacon, he censured the infant Royal 
Society for its devotion to minute experiment. His own method 
was eminently untrustworthy, though his conclusions were 
sometimes right, as the guesses of a clever man will be. He 
employs no regular system for verifying his results, but is con- 
tent to exercise his inventive powers in assigning * probable 
causes' to phenomena causes, it must be admitted, often inade- 
quate to the effects, and sometimes palpably absurd; as when 
thunder and lightning are attributed to the sudden snapping 
asunder of a thoroughly frozen cloud. 



90 The Works of Thomas Holies, of Malmeslury. 

But it were well if Hobbes had confined himself to subjects 
in which error has a comparatively slight tendency to perpetuate 
itself; in which the element of truth survives, when that which 
is false has died off it, untinged by the prejudices which attended 
the inquiry, the defective character of the inquirer, or the angry 
jealousies which mingled in the original controversy. Morals, 
however, could not escape his handling. At an evil and a 
boding time, he turned his thoughts from numbers and quan- 
tities, and began to write of men and states. England was 
unquiet and disturbed; the clouds of civil commotion were 
gathering about her, and assuming a definite shape; men's 
hearts were ominous of the evils which were soon to open on 
their eyes in the great rebellion. Of the symptoms around him, 
Hobbes was a close and accurate observer. The facts did not 
escape him : curious in themselves, they promised to issue in 
still more striking phenomena. When earnest-minded men were 
steeling their nerves and sharpening their swords, he began to 
construct a practical system. When matters were drawing 
closer to the crisis, and loyal and disloyal alike were burning to 
express in deeds those feelings for which they found no adequate 
vent in words, he retired, that he might not be hindered by 
actual anarchy from pursuing his speculations on government. 
In 1640, he penned the dedication of his ' Human Nature' to 
the Duke of Newcastle. The civil war broke out ; battle after 
battle was fought ; a king was deposed and murdered. Mean- 
while, Hobbes from his study at Paris presented to the world at 
irregular intervals certain treatises on politics. In 1652, the 
struggle was over ; and he had completed the Leviathan. The 
rebels had gained the day ; he had invented a new moral world, 
and exhausted it. England, wearied by her own efforts, was 
ready to accept quietly the rule of the Protector ; Hobbes 
having completed his practical labours, was longing to return 
' to the uninterrupted speculation of bodies natural.' 

What his expressed opinions were on morals, politics and 
religion, few, if any, can be wholly ignorant. To repeat them 
would be tedious : yet they seem to deserve some notice at our 
hands. Without any attempt at detailing them, we will state, 
as briefly as may be, and, for the most part, in his own words, 
the most characteristic and important. 

Foremost, and best known, is his * selfish' theory. All affec- 
tions, he held, have for their sole object the gratification of him 
who entertains them. Nothing is sought for its own sake, but 
everything for the sake of the seeker. In carrying out this view, 
no results startled him. To make room for it, he calmly 
contradicts the plain decisions of experience, and the received 
meaning of words. * Gift, free gift, grace,' for instance, he 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 91 

explains to be when * one of the parties transferreth, in hope to 
' gain thereby friendship, or service from another, or from his 
' friends ; or in hope to gain the reputation of charity, or magna- 

* nimity ; or to deliver his mind from the pain of compassion ; or 

* in hope of reward in heaven.' (Lev. ch. xiv.) The tears of 
reconciliation are accounted for by supposing, that the reconciled 
parties being previously bent on revenge, are disappointed 

* when the revenge is suddenly stopt or frustrated by the 

* repentance of their adversary.' (Hum. Nat. ch. ix. 14.) 
Worship is explained away, because * Cultus signifieth properly, 

* and constantly, that labour which a man bestows on anything, 

* with a purpose to make benefit by it.' (Lev. ch. xxxi.) 
Human nature, in this scheme, obeys a single law. This law, 
we are told very consistently, acts uniformly and necessarily. 
The following explanation of liberty will please the necessitarian. 

' Liberty, or freedom, signifieth (properly) the absence of opposition ; (by 
opposition I mean external impediments of motion ; ) and roay be applied no 
less to irrational and inanimate creatures, than to rational. For whatsoever 
is so tied or environed as it cannot move, but within a certain space, which 
space is determined by the opposition of some external body, we say it 
hath not liberty to go further. And so of living creatures, whilst they are 
imprisoned or restrained with walls or chains, and of the water, whilst it is 
kept in by banks or vessels, that otherwise would spread itself into a larger 
space, we use to say that they are not at liberty to move in such a man- 
ner, as without those external impediments they would. But when the 
impediment of motion is in the constitution of the thing itself, we use not 
to say, it wants the liberty, but the power, to move ; as when a stone lieth 
still, or a man is fastened to his bed by sickness. 

' And according to this proper, and generally received meaning of the 
word, a freeman is he, that in those things, which by his strength and wit 
he is able to do, is not hindered to do what he has a will to. But . . . from 
the use of the word free-will, no liberty can be inferred of the will, desire, 
or inclination, but the liberty of the man ; which consisteth in this, that he 
finds no stop, in doing what he has the will, desire, or inclination to do.' 
Lev. chap. xxi. 

In any system of morals, which denies the freedom of the will, 
the distinction of right and wrong, as an objective rule of con- 
duct, can find no place. At best, it would be unnecessary ; nil 
would work as well without it. Hobbes has no love for 
unnecessary apparatus, and therefore rejects it. 

' I'.vcry man, for his own part, callcth that which plcaseth, nnd is delight- 
ful to himself, good; and that evil which displeapeth him: insomuch that 
Avhile every man diifcrcth from other in constitution, ihey differ also from 
one another concerning the common distinction of good and evil. Nor is 
there any such thing as absolute goodness, considered without relation; 
for even the goodness which we apprehend in God Almighty, is His 
goodness to us.' Hum. Nut. chap. viii. 3. 

In the absence of any such external practical standard, every 
man has, previously to the institution of a governing power, an 



92 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 

equal right to every thing. This, as may be imagined, he will 
be disposed to vindicate. The state of nature is therefore a 
state of war. 

'To this war of every man against every man, this also is consequent; 
that nothing can be unjust. The notions of right and wrong, justice and 
injustice, have there no place. Where there is no common power, there is 
no law; where no law. no injustice. Force and fraud are in war the two 
cardinal virtues. Justice and injustice are none of the faculties neither of 
the body, nor mind. Jf they were, they might be in a man that was alone 
in the world, as well as his senses and passions. They are qualities, that 
relate to men in society, not in solitude. It is consequent also to the same 
condition, that there be no propriety (property), no dominion, no mine and 
thine distinct : but only that to be every man's that he can get ; and for so 
long as he can keep it.' Lev. ch. xiii. 

To attain peace, the rule of justice must be established and 
recognised ; and this depends on law. But law implies a 
governing power. The appointment of such a power by consent 
of the multitude, in other words, the institution of a common- 
wealth, is the great step towards the attainment of order. 

' A commonwealth is said to be instituted, when a multitude of men do 
agree and covenant, every one with every one, that to whatsoever man or 
assembly of men shall be given, by the major part, the right to present the 
person of them all, (that is to say, to be their representative,) every one, as 
well he that voted for it, as he that voted against it, shall authorize all the 
actions and judgments of that man or assembly of men, in the same manner 
as if they were liis own : to the end to live peaceably amongst themselves 
and be protected against other men. 

' From this institution of a commonwealth are derived all the rights and 
faculties of him or them, on whom sovereign power is conferred by the con- 
sent of the people assembled.' Lev. ch. xviii. 

The sovereign, being thus invested with the power of all his 
subjects, is henceforth strictly absolute. A limited government 
is an anomaly. The sole ruler is also the sole representative ; 
to allow that title to any subordinate deputy or deputies is a 
dangerous error. And the sovereignty must be as extensive as 
it is absolute : to contrast the spiritual and temporal powers, is, 
in fact, treason against the civil governor. 

' As there have been doctors, that hold there be three souls in a man ; so 
there be also that think there may be more souls (that is, more sovereigns) 
than one, in a commonwealth, and set up a supremacy against the sovereigiify, 
canons against laws, and a ghostly authority against the civil, working on 
men's minds with words and distinctions that of themselves signify nothing-, 
but bewray (by their obscurity) that there walketh (as some think, invisi- 
bly) another kingdom, as it were a kingdom of fairies, in the dark. Now 
seeing it is manifest, that the civil power, and the power of the common- 
wealth, is the same thing, and that supremacy and the power of making 
canons, and granting faculties implieth a commonwealth ; it followeth, thai 
where one is sovereign, another supreme, where one can make laws, and 
another make canons, there must needs be two commonwealths of one and 
the same subjects ; which is a kingdom divided iu itself, and cannot 
stand.' Lev. eh. xxix. 



The Works cf Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 93 

The civil ruler is, therefore, as such, supreme ruler ecclesiastical. 

' If a man therefore should ask a pastor in the execution of his office, as 
the chief priests and elders of the people asked our Saviour, by wliat auiho- 
rilfi dost tliou these things, and who gave thee this authority, he can make no 
other just answer, but that he does it by the authority of the commonwealth, 
given him by the king or assembly that representeth it. All pastors, ex- 
cept the supreme, execute their charges in the right, that is, in the authority 
of the civil sovereign, that is jure civili. I?ut the king, and every other 
sovereign, executeth his office of supreme pastor by immediate authority 
from God, that is to say, in God's right, or jure divino. And therefore none 
but kings can put into their titles (a mark of their submission to God only) 
Dei Gratia Rex, &c. Bishops ought to say in the beginning of their man- 
dates, by the favour of the King's Majesty, Bishop of such a Diocese ; or, as 
civil ministers, in His Majesty's name. For in saying Divind Providentid, 
which is the same with Dei gratia, though disguised, they deny to have 
received their authority from the civil state, and slily slip off the collar of 
their civil subjection, contrary to the union and defence of the common- 
wealth.' Lev. ch. xlii. 

It follows, that 

' If every Christian sovereign be the supreme pastor of his own subjects, 
it seemeth that he hath also the authority, not only to preach, (which per- 
haps no man will deny,) but also to baptize, and to administer the sacra- 
ment of the Lord's Supper, and to consecrate both temples and pastors to 
God's service.' Lev. ch. xlii. 

And lastly, obedience to God and the civil ruler, whether 
Christian or infidel, can never be inconsistent ; for 

' If he be a Christian, he alloweth the belief of this article, that Jesus is 
the Christ, and of all the articles that are contained in, or are by evident conse- 
quence deduced from it ; which is all the faith necessary to salvation. And 
because he is a sovereign, he reqiiireth obedience to all his own, that is to 
say, to all the civil laws, in which also arc contained all the laws of nature, 
that is, all the laws of God : for besides the laws of nature, and the laws of 
the church, which are part of the civil law, (for the church that can make 
laws is the commonwealth,) there can be no other laws divine. 

1 And when the civil sovereign is an infidel, every one of his own 
subjects that resisteth him sinneth against the laws of God, (for such are 
the laws of nature,) and rejecteth the counsel of the Apostles, that 
admonishcth all Christians to obey their princes, and all children and ser- 
vants to obey their parents and masters, in all things. And for their faith, 
it is internal and invisible ; they have the license that Naaman had, and 
need not put themselves in danger for it.' Lev. ch. xliii. 

On reading these extracts, the question naturally occurs, Was 
Hobbes himself a Christian ? We shall not deckle uncharitably, 
if we answer in the negative. The tendency of his writings is 
deistical : and on such points he thought more strongly than he 
wrote. Notliing can be inferred to the contrary from his 
frequent quotations from Scripture, or his direct assertion, at 
times, of some of the details of the Christian creed. Holy Writ, 
and all deductions from it, he expressly declares to derive 
authority from the command of the civil magistrate ; to echo 
whose sentiments is the bounden duty of the subject. Accor- 



94 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 

dingly, he hazards no open attack on Christianity, only pleading 
guilty to a great terror of priestcraft a plea which, for the most 
part, interprets itself. In this respect his practice was quite on 
A par with his profession. During his illness in France he 
dismissed the divines, Roman, Anglican, and Genevan, who 
crowded round his bed, in the not over-complimentary formula, 

* Let me alone, or else I will detect all your cheats, from Aaron 
to yourselves.' And when the clergyman came to attend the 
last moments of his friend Sclden, Hobbes would not admit him, 
addressing these abominable words to the dying man : ' What, 
will you, that have written like a man, now die like a woman ? ' 
His own conformity appears to have been the result, in part of 
indifference, in part of fear. His dread of episcopal censure, 
seconded by the civil arm, made him, in the latter years of his 
life, a more regular attendant at divine worship : it can scarcely 
be hoped, a more devout one. The views he has given on par- 
ticular points of doctrine are a strange farrago of self-contra- 
dictory heresies, which it is hard to avoid believing were intended 
by him to re-act on the minds of his hearers, and to tell against 
the truth of the hypothesis on which they professed to be 
grounded. One of his less considerable adversaries, no match 
for him in intellectual strength, a simple and perhaps credulous 
individual, who gives him credit for really meaning all he says, 
accumulates a fearful list of accusations against him. Hobbes, 
according to this writer, * in holding life eternal to be only on 

* earth, is a Cerinthian and Mahometan ; in giving to God corpo- 

* reity, he is an Anthropomorphite, Manichaean, Tertullianist, 
' and Audasan ; in holding the three Persons to be distinct names 
' and essences represented by Moses, Christ, and the Apostles, he 
' is a Sabellian, Montanist, Aetian, and Priscillianist ; in saying 
' that Christ personated God the Son, he is a Nestorian, giving 
' him two personalities, for no person can personate himself; in 
' denying spirits he is a Sadducean; in making the soul to rest with 

* the body till the resurrection, he is an Arabian ; in making the 

* soul of man corporeal, he is a Lucifcrian ; by putting a period to 
' hell torments, he is an Origenist ; by teaching dissimulation in 
' religion, he is a Tacian or Encratite ; in making God the cause 

* of injustice or sin, he is aManichee ; in slighting Christ's miracles, 
*he is a Jew ; and in making our natural reason the word of God, 
'he is a Socinian.' This same author, the once well-known 
Alexander Rosse, had, it appears, previously written a work, 
called * The new Planet no Planet,' in which he had, as he 
thought, shown 'the vanity of that whimsical opinion of the 
earth's motion.' Perhaps he had a particular love for a com- 
plicated problem, and saw no beauty in the simplicity of a 
solution. Here, however, we arc not bound to follow him. 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbury. 95 

We venture to rid ourselves of all the cumbrous array of epi- 
cycles, by supposing the earth to move. In like manner, we 
may spare ourselves the trouble of heaping heresies on the head 
of the philosopher of Malmesbury, and simply declare the fact 
that he was an infidel. 

If there is any one point on which Hobbes' claims to praise 
are undisputed, it is found in the excellence of his style. His 
clear and transparent language exhibits the substratum of thought 
to the mind, uncoloured and undistorted by the medium 
through which we view it. Pointed and concise, his sentences 
fall more naturally and easily on our degenerate ears, than the 
long unbroken roll of sound so common in the mighty periods of 
his contemporaries. Always knowing exactly his own meaning 
lie always enunciates it distinctly. One thought comes at a 
time: and each prepares the way for its successor. These 
merits of our author have been fully appreciated. Mr. Hallam 
is disposed to think him * the first of whom we can strictly say 
that he is a good English writer ;' and this in spite of the excel- 
lent passages which he acknowledges are to be found in Hooker, 
Sidney, Raleigh, Bacon, Taylor, and Chillingworth. It will 
suffice to add the testimony of Sir James Mackintosh, who has 
pronounced his style to be * the very perfection of didactic 
language.' This is indeed high praise; but its value may be 
overrated. It is a fair question, how far the nature of Hobbes' 
speculations has influenced his mode of expressing them. He is 
eminently a philosopher of phenomena, with views rather dis- 
tinct than broad, and a mind in which the perceptive faculties 
quite overpower the reflective. His data are for the most part 
accessible to every one ; from these he generalizes freely, and 
is never startled by his conclusions. Calmly conscious of his 
superior powers of discernment, he lays his store of facts before 
the admiring reader. These are not very numerous, or collected 
from a great variety of sources ; but they are good specimens of 
their kind, and chosen with a definite end. They are his evi- 
dence ; and from the first blush of this evidence it is his pride to 
;irgue. His method of arguing does not consist in weighing 
counter-probabilities, or arbitrating between conflicting opinions. 
Only one view on every subject is considered worthy of grave 
attention ; and that is, his own. To debate the correctness of 
this, would be an acknowledgment of weakness he has no 
intention of making. So constant is the tone of superior pene- 
tration, that we soon become accustomed to it. The only way 
to read the Leviathan, for instance, is under a general protest, 
that we have a right to our own opinion ; were we to assert this 
right whenever our author seems inclined to question it, almost 
every page would afford an occasion for a skirmish. 



96 The Worfo of Thomas Holies, of Malmeslury. 

Had Hobbes been less assuming, he might perhaps have 
written worse English. Who can tell how much his didactic 
style would have suffered, had he been a modest man ? Con- 
ceited persons have a natural disposition to be schoolmasters. 
They are clear, because they think that nothing which occurs 
to them can be unimportant to others : they omit no step, they 
leave no position uncxpanded, from any fear of being tedious, 
or occupying time more valuable than their own. Hobbes was 
conceited, but he was clever also too clever to be tedious. We 
suffer his assumption, in consideration of his intelligence, but 
not without a resolution to rebel and assert our independence at 
last. He reminds us perpetually of a living author, like him of 
undoubted talent, and like him celebrated for his didactic style. 
The resemblance, be it observed, lies for the most part in the 
method, not in the matter. While we differ from both, we 
should be sorry to confound the sentiments of this distinguished 
personage with those of the sage of Mahuesbury. From an 
examination of their writings, however, it would be easy to 
devise certain plain rules for the formation of a didactic style. 
The following will serve as specimens. Whatever your subject 
be, begin by assuming that you are right ; and always draw from 
this the strict logical inference, that every one who differs from 
you is wrong. Next, refuse to consider those views which are 
at variance with your own as facts of the living present. The 
past may safely bear the burden of them : and it cannot remon- 
strate. Agood general roVoe is, ' the exploded errors of the school- 
men.' Thirdly, represent these views as not only failing for 
want of evidence in their favour, but as pleading guilty them- 
selves on rigid examination. Let them be declared at once to 
]be inconceivable, self-contradictory, and absurd. Lastly, in 
order that no occasion, however indirect, of exerting influence 
may be unemployed, take every opportunity of inculcating your 
sentiments on other subjects than those immediately under con- 
sideration. Introduce, for instance, your most startling theolo- 
gical views as examples or illustrations of some very different 
matter, and without apology or preface, leaving the reader to 
conclude that they are no peculiarities of your own, but are very 
generally entertained and approved of. Thus, if they do not 
create much impression in this incidental form of statement, 
they will not seem strange or surprising when formally enunci- 
ated at some more convenient time. Of all these rules Hobbes 
affords favourable examples, In applying the last, he is emi- 
nently skilful. The following specimens may not be unacceptable. 
The first is introduced in a discussion of dreams and visions. 

' This ought to be the work of the schools : but they rather nourish 
such doctrine. For, (not knowing what imagination, or the senses, are) 



The Works of Thomas Holies, of Malmeslury. 97 

what they receive, they teach; some saying, that imaginations rise of 
themselves, and have nocaxise ; others that they rise most commonly from 
the will, and that good thoughts are blown (inspired) into a man, by God, 
and evil thoughts, by the devil ; or that good thoughts are poured (infused) 
into a man, by God, and evil ones, by the devil. Some say the senses 
receive the species of things, and deliver them to the common-sense ; and 
common-sense delivers them over to the fancy, and the fancy to the 
memory, and the memory to the judgment, like handing of things from one 
to another, with many words making nothing understood.' Lev. ch. ii. 

' When a man reasoneth, he doth nothing else but conceive a sum total 
from addition of parcels; or conceive a remainder, from subtraction of one 
sum from another ; which (if it be done by words) is conceiving of the con- 
sequence of the names of all the parts, to the name of the whole ; or from the 
names of the whole and one part, to the name of the other part. For as 
arithmeticians teach to add and subtract in numbers, so the geometricians 
teach the same in lines, figures, (solid and superficial,) angles, proportions, 
times, degrees of swiftness, force, power, and the like ; the logicians teach 
the same in consequences of words, adding together two names, to make 
an affirmation, and two affirmations, to make a syllogism, and many syl- 
logisms, to make a demonstration ; and from the sum, or conclusion, of a 
syllogism, they subtract one proposition, to find the other. Writers of 
politics, add together pactions, to find men's duties ; and lawyers, laws 
and facts, to find what is right and wrong in the actions of piivate men. 
In sum, in what matter soever there is place for addition and subtraction, 
there also is place for reason ; and where these have no place, there reason 
hath nothing at all to do.' 

' When we reason in words of general signification, and fall upon a 
general inference which is false, though it be commonly called error, it is 
indeed an absurdity, or senseless speech. For error is but a deception in 
presuming that somewhat is past or to come, of which, though it were not 
past, or not to come, yet there was no impossibility discoverable. But 
when we make a general assertion, unless it be a true one, the possibility 
of it is unconceivable. And words whereby we conceive nothing but the 
sound, are those we call absurd, insignificant, and nonsense. And therefore 
if a man would talk tome of a round quadrangle, or of accidents of bread and 
cheese, or immaterial substances, or of a free subject, a free mil, or any free, 
but being free from being hindered by opposition, I should not say he was 
in an error, but that his words were without meaning ; that is to say, 
absurd. 1 Leu. ch. v. 

' [A cause of insignificant words is] when men make a name of two 
names, whose significations are contradictory and inconsistent; as this 
name, an incorporeal body, or (which is all one) an incorporeal substance, 
and a great number more. For whensoever any affirmation is false, 
the two names of \vhich it is composed, put together and made one, sig- 
nify nothing at all. For example, if it be a false affirmation to say a 
quadrangle is round, the word round quadrangle signifies nothing ; but is 
a mere sound. So likewise if it be false to say, that virtue can be poured, or 
blown up and down, the words, in-poured virtue, in-blown virtue, are as ab- 
surd and insignificant as a round quadrangle. And therefore you shall 
hardly meet with a senseless and insignificant word, that is not made up 
of some Latin or Greek names. A Frenchman seldom hears our Saviour 
called by the name of parole, but by the name of verbe often; yet vet be 
and parole differ no more, but that one is Latin, the other French.' 
Lev. ch. iv. 

Truly there is much in the judicious selection of a few ex- 
amples, and their repetition up to that precise point at which, 
No. LIII. N.S. H 



98 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury, 

without being tedious, they become familiar. The unguarded 
mind, which hesitates the first time it meets with an illustration, 
may accept it the second. When a reader can peruse passages 
like the above without being pained or annoyed, Hobbes has 
gained a disciple. And books of later date than the Leviathan 
tell in the same way. The two latter extracts may have led 
some of our readers to inquire Is there any necessary con- 
nexion between questionable Divinity and Logic ? 

Let us now turn for a time from Hobbes to Sir William 
Molesworth. Here, too, we must be sparing of our praise ; the 
claims of the editor depend, in this case, almost entirely on those 
of the author. The merits of an edition, like those of an ori- 
ginal work, must lie either in the intention, or the execution. 
On neither ground do the labours of Sir William Molesworth 
call for high approbation. The edition of Hobbes is what it 
professes to be, and no more, a collection and reprint of his 
works. The arrangement, perhaps, is as good as could be given 
where none could be satisfactory ; for Hobbes, in his different 
writings, sadly repeats himself; and it is impossible, for this 
reason, to place them in an order which shall not at times offend. 
There is no display or pretence of critical learning ; a short 
introductory notice is given where it is thought necessary ; but 
the writer never seems tempted to extend it beyond moderate 
limits, or to indulge in that minuteness of research which rejoices 
in a multitude of details. 

In the absence of any marked character in the edition itself, 
greater importance naturally attaches to the motives which 
prompted it. And here the foregoing remarks may aid us in 
forming a decision. No delight in literary inquiries has made 
Sir William Molesworth an editor. It is quite an inadequate 
account of these sixteen handsome volumes, to view them simply 
as a result of the taste which leads so many to pursue studies 
requiring great industry and exactness, but yielding little fruit ; 
which teaches them to be content with an audience fit, though 
few, and to claim as the reward of their toil the applause of men 
of letters, not of the world in general. We have no symptoms 
of the mind which delights to look into the past, and invest the 
most inconsiderable names with their peculiar associations ; 
which, curious in details itself, Would inspire others with its 
curiosity ; which gilds the most insignificant trifles with its 
enthusiasm ; and loves editorial labours for their own sake. Sir 
William Molesworth may be a philosopher, or a statesman ; he 
certainly is not a critic, or a biographer. On the other hand, 
as we before observed, sympathy with Hobbes as a man is morally 
impossible. No feeling of personal admiration could have urged 
his editor to the task, unless he first made, and then acted on, a 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 99 

new definition of a hero. The charm lies in the writer, ' one of 

* the greatest and most original thinkers,' we are told, ' in tho 

* English language.' That his works have been * so much less 
read and studied than they deserved to be,' was a remark of 
Mr. Grote, which Sir William Molesworth approves and echoes. 
' To bring his views again before his countrymen, who have so 
long and so unjustly neglected him,' is the object of this edition. 

What moral value we should set on such a purpose is beyond 
a doubt. He who would rekindle the flame of extinct contro- 
versy, and recall departed errors ; who would let in the light of 
day upon the past, not with a desire to collect its treasures, but 
in the hope that the heat of the sunbeam might perchance revive 
some torpid monster, whom cold and darkness had long kept 
idle in his den, deserves our contempt if he fail, and a feeling not 
more favourable, but only more energetic, if he succeed. 

Intentions, however, are not always good tests of consequences. 
He who forms a plan, and acts upon it, may not anticipate its 
results. Men often pay an involuntary tribute to truth by fur-, 
thering while they oppose it ; and so, some may think, it will be 
with this edition of Hobbes. Circumstances are altered since 
his time; facts and principles have gained a different bearing. 
In reading in the nineteenth century writings which presuppose 
the social condition of the seventeenth, we may use our own 
canon of interpretation; we must translate, as it were, the 
thoughts into another language. New meanings may be evolved 
in the process, and unexpected truths elicited. By a happy 
alchemy we' may change much of the dross into gold. 

Were this true in the abstract (which it is not, except under 
great limitations,) it does not apply to Hobbes. He cannot 
fairly be viewed as a mere writer of the day. With him, as 
with all, external circumstances suggested thoughts; but his 
own mind shaped them. He is, in the full sense of the word, a 
systematic writer; he adopts an idea, and developes it. The 
Leviathan does not belong, in virtue of its contents, to any par- 
ticular time ; it is an attempt to construct the social scheme 
a priori, though on a false and degrading hypothesis ; it is as 
truly ideal as the 'new moral world' of the Socialist, or Plato's 
Republic. It has definite principles of its own: its tendencies 
must therefore be constant and uniform ; and these are towards 
evil. If the writings of Hobbes are to effect anything, it will be 
now, and ever, mischief. To show this, it may be worth while 
considering the two main principles on which he has based his 
philosophy his nominalism and his materialism. 

When we say that Hobbes was a nominalist, we do not muaii 
to limit the word to its strict original signification. In that 
sense, it has lost all interest except as a matter of history. 



10O The Works of Thomas Holies, of Malmesbury. 

Questions about the real existence of genus and species are now 
simply unmeaning. The reason of this is obvious ; genus and 
species are no longer facts: their day is over; like faded beauties 
they have withdrawn to the back-ground: we do not realize 
them sufficiently to care what is determined about them, or to 
contest very vigorously the predicate of any proposition, to 
which they are the subjects. Or, to take another view of the 
matter, the question has, with many others, been transferred 
from Logic to Physics. We have of late heard it doubted, 
whether the different races of animals were distinct from the 
first ; whether they are sprung from so many pairs as there are 
species, and preserve their original arrangement ; or whether 
the kinds are always fluctuating and gliding into one another, 
so that new circumstances produce new species, not mere 
varieties, and the offspring may belong to a different class from 
its parent. We have here a question, which is put too promi- 
nently forward not to be entertained, though the innovators are 
bound to prove their position before they can require us to 
accede to it; a question on which we can tell, with tolerable 
certainty, the opinions which Aquinas and Ockham would 
respectively have held, had they lived in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, and read the * Novum Organon,' Broad differences of 
opinion lie deep in the nature of man, and outlive their old 
symbols. The author of the ' Vestiges of Creation' is the extreme 

i O 

nominalist of the day. 

The opinions of Hobbes bear a less marked resemblance to 
this new form of error than to the old. He over-stated the im- 
portance of words in reasoning, and made language less depend 
on thought, than thought on language; curiously consistent in 
his mistakes, he first materializes intellect, and then binds it by 
the laws of matter. All reasoning, he tells us in a passage 
already (p. 97) quoted, is nothing but addition and subtraction. 
Thus his logic becomes an * art of computation,' a kind of com- 
plex arithmetic. Inference, it is therefore argued, is altogether 
impossible, except by aid of external symbols. Language is 
not only a contrivance for registering thought, but an indis- 
pensable requisite before the mind can pass from truth to truth, 
or understand the nature of universal propositions. The fol- 
lowing passage gives his view on this subject with his usual 
clearness. 

' By the imposition of names, some of larger, some of wider siguificatior, 
we turn the reckoning of the consequences of things imagined in the mind, 
with a reckoning of the consequences of appellations. For example ; a man 
that hath no use of speech at all (such as is born, and remains perfectly deaf 
and dumb) if he set before his eyes a triangle, and by it two right angles, 
(such as are, the corners of a square figure,) he may by meditation compare 
aud find, that the three angles of that triangle are equal to those two right 



The Works of Thomas Holies, of Malmeslury. 101 

angles that stand by it. Bnt if another triangle be shown him, different in 
shape from the former, he cannot know without a new labour, whether the 
three angles of that also be equal to the- same. But he that hath the use 
of words, when he observes, that such equality was consequent, not to the 
length of the sides, nor to any other particular thing in his triangle, but 
only to this, that the sides were straight, and the angles three ; and that 
that was all, for which he named it a triangle, will boldly conclude univer- 
sally, that such equality of angles is in all triangles whatsoever, and register 
his invention in these general terms, Every triangle halli his three angles equal 
to two r'ujht angles. And thus the consequence found in one particular comes 
to be registered and remembered as an universal rule, and discharges our 
mental reckoning of time and place, and delivers us from all labour of the 
kind, saving the first, and makes that which was found true here, and noiv, 
to be true in all times and places.' Lev. ch. iv. 

Words then, according to Hobbes, are the material of know- 
ledge, as well as its machinery, the destination as well as the 
road. Thus all knowledge labours under a double defect, being 
both verbal and conditional. This he states as follows : 

1 No discourse whatsoever can end in absolute knowledge of fact, past, or 
to come. For, as for the knowledge of fact, it is originally, sense, and ever 
after, memory. And for the knowledge of consequence, which I have said 
before is called science, it is not absolute, but conditional. No man can 
know by discourse, that this or that is ; has been or will be ; which is to 
know absolutely : but only, that if this be, that is ; if this has been, that has 
been ; if this shall be that shall be ; which is to know conditionally ; and 
that not the consequence of one thing to another ; but of one name of a 
thing, to another name of the same thing.' Lev. ch. vii. 

Views such as these cast great light on the character of the 
person holding them. To say they are unphilosophical, is only 
a fragment of the truth ; they are unfeeling, unnatural, inhuman. 
No earnest -minded man could continue sane, were he assured 
that this world is really the dream-world which Hobbes brings 
before us. The soul could not bear to stand alone for ever, 
within its charmed circle, surrounded by a host of phantoms, 
ever fading away, and ever succeeded by other appearances 
equally unreal, and defying every attempt to grasp them. The 
philosophy which endeavours to destroy the certainty of know- 
ledge, is doing its best to cut through the beam which supports 
it. There is no need to exaggerate the difficulties which beset 
the inquiring mind, when it first pierces through the shell of 
things, and looks forth freely on the universe ; when it begins 
to apprehend the antithesis between the me and the not me, the 
outer and the inner world; becoming conscious of the distinction 
between itself and that which it beholds, and standing out as a 
solitary figure in the foreground of the vast prospect it is con- 
templating. A deep distrust and terror possesses it, when it 
learns that objects and their appearances are not one and the 
same thing that the phenomenon is but an image projected on 



102 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 

the mind, that the senses, far from piercing to the heart and 
centre of things, are, from the nature of their operation, neces- 
sarily superficial. If, pained and wearied with gazing on the sea of 
doubt, the philosophic mind resolves to make a mighty effort, and 
lay hold on certainty, it naturally contracts the sphere of its 
operations. Within fixed limits its powers may act with the 
greater intensity. The physical philosopher and the metaphy- 
sician portion out the world between them. Each seeks truth 
within his own province, in the full confidence that it is possible 
to find it. The former devotes his attention to that which the 
human mind receives ; the latter to that which it gives. The 
one, forgetful of self, ranges through the world, and collects 
from every quarter partial materials for a mighty structure, of 
which he can but hope to turn an arch or raise a column ; long- 
ing at least to do his part towards arranging in their proper 
order the dislocated fragments of the glorious temple of nature. 
The other, with a ' wise passiveness,' sits still at home, watching 
the truths that come of themselves, not unwelcome, though 
unbidden ; curious, not so much in that which occurs to the 
mind, as in the laws which regulate such occurrence, the con- 
ditions which it cannot but observe in perceiving and reflecting. 
Either course has its pleasures, and its dangers too- The natural 
philosopher, while contemplating the being of external things, is 
apt to forget, or which is worse, intentionally to pass over his 
own. To take a fair and unbiassed view of nature, his soul 
should be calm and unprejudiced, a lumen siccum, which makes 
other things clear, but is itself invisible. At this state, which 
can be attained by nothing but the most diligent self-culture, he 
may hope to arrive by other and easier means. He may fall 
into the error of supposing, that when he ceases to regard him- 
self, he is safe from prejudice ; that his individuality can exercise 
no distorting influence on his perceptions, if he is not directly 
conscious of it ; that the glass through which he looks does not 
tinge the view beyond it, if he is not aware that he is looking 
through it. The consequences of such a delusion are evident. 
He thinks he is performing his duty, if, ceasing to be a person, 
he becomes one thing out of many. He submits, a willing slave, 
to the general laws which bind the visible universe, and does not 
care to remember, that he has responsibilities which he cannot 
relinquish, and a soul which obeys other conditions than those of 
its material garment. 

The dangers of the metaphysician are of a different character. 
His mind, turned upon itself, beholds there the world reflected, 
as in a mirror. That this reflection takes place, is his primary 
fact ; of this at least he is assured, that he is, and perceives. 
But what those shadows may be, that come and flit before him, 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 103 

and depart ; how far they possess, or truly represent, a substance ; 
this is a question which he longs in vain to answer. That mind 
must be well trained indeed, which ventures on such an inquiry, 
and is never tempted to universal scepticism, which never fears 
that it is deluding itself, that it alone is real, and all these 
images are reproductions of itself, the fantasies of a pleasing 
madness. Or, should it escape these extreme doubts, it may 
yet be sensible in its lowest depths of despondency and disquiet, 
may mourn discontentedly over the limits which confine its 
knowledge, and exclaim, with the [' lady of Shalott,'] that it is 
' half sick of shadows.' 

We should wander from our present subject, were we here to 
insist, that the only safeguard against either form of scepticism 
is to be found in religion, which alone teaches man his true situ- 
ation in the world, and, while it requires strict cultivation of 
self, demands also, as an indispensable means to that end, the 
contemplation of eternal verities. Here we should rather 
remark, that the extravagant theory of Hobbes is inconsistent 
alike with physical and metaphysical science. We cannot raise 
to the dignity of knowledge any mere concatenation of words, 
however close and ingenious. To make the attempt, is to place 
the mind in a posture altogether unnatural ; as if it attained 
truth by moulding language at its pleasure, and not by submit- 
ting its thoughts to an external standard, and conforming them 
to the nature of things. No wonder, if we cannot attribute 
certainty to any such arbitrary results. A logic like this re- 
peats to the echo the absurdities which arise from the selfish 
theory in morals. In either case we have faculties shackled in 
their operations, by being restricted to themselves; debarred 
from their lawful objects, and turned inwards to be self-consumed 
by a diseased and unnatural action ; losing that directness and 
confidence which belongs to a power freely tending towards its 
proper end, and tossing idly this way and that in a most unen- 
viable independence. Such are the evils of beginning where we 
should end. Detach man as a practical being from his fellow- 
creatures; make him the sole object of his own affections; and 
the consequence is, that this nobly independent agent, acting for 
himself alone, proves on closer inspection to be a mere machine. 
He has escaped from external influence to become the slave of 
internal necessity. So again in the intellectual world : begin 
by taking the narrow ground of scepticism: deny that things 
are more than they seem : account for the phenomena of human 
nature by the most jejune hypothesis possible ; let sense have 
all, and faith nothing : and for a time the soul seems fixed in 
itself, possessed of the secret of the world, and proud of the 
consciousness of knowledge. But this cannot last : facts will 



104 The Works of Thomas Holies, of Malmeslury. 

not narrow themselves to suit theories ; they will multiply and 
extend beyond the bounds which system has allotted them ; 
they will even venture to be at variance with prior assumptions, 
and contradict the hypothesis they were meant implicitly to obey. 
Then the unhappy philosopher discovers that the universe is too 
large for his mind, and gives up the ineffectual endeavour to 
balance the inverted pyramid of knowledge. Thus he relapses 
into the scepticism from which he fancied he had escaped, and 
consoles himself meanwhile by thinking, that after all he has 
been as near the truth as it is possible for man to go. His 
failure has given him assurance, and he becomes positive in his 
disbelief. His whole method may be an assumption ; but then, 
all knowledge is conditional. At the bottom of his broadest 
conclusions may lie a concealed doubt ; but then, no one can 
attain to certainty. 'Evil, be thou my good,' might be his 
watch- word. Of this he is sure, that he can be sure of 
nothing. 

But perhaps it is not in this quarter that our present dangers 
threaten us. The sceptical school has indeed its disciples; but 
they are already provided with teachers, who have left Hobbes far 
behind. And the general mind is at present so occupied with 
one impression, that it cannot readily admit its contrary. 
'Knowledge is power,' was the cry of a few years ago, which 
is now being acted out. Men see that knowledge gives them 
the command not only of words, but of things. They will not 
be easily persuaded to disbelieve their own experience, or to 
surrender to theory the facts of which they have actual posses- 
sion. In this respect we may trust the common-sense of the 
multitude, so long as speculation keeps its practical bias, and 
increasing intelligence continues to promote the conveniences 
of life, and reduce the luxuries of former days to the level of 
ordinary comforts. 

Were we disposed to be despondent, we should look with 
much more terror on the other main tenet of Hobbes his 
materialism. Here he has gone all length in assertion, having 
left to his successors only the more difficult task of proof. 
Matter he affirms to be the only being ; of this, spirit is a finer 
form. 

' The world (I mean not the earthly one, that denominates the lovers of it 
worldly men, but the universe, that is, the whole mass of beings that are.) 
is corporeal, that is to say, body; and hath the dimensions of magnitude, 
namely, length, breadth, and depth ; also every part of body is likewise 
body, and hath the like dimensions : and consequently every part of the 
universe is body ; and that which is not body is no part of the universe : 
and because the universe is all, that which is no part of it is nothing : and 
consequently nowhere. Nor does it follow from hence, that spirits are 
nothing ; for they have dimensions, and are therefore really bodies, though 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 105 

that name in common speech be given to such bodies only as are visible, 
or palpable : that is, that have some degree of opacity. But for spirits, 
they call them incorporeal ; which is a name of more honour, and may 
therefore, with more piety be attributed to God Himself; in Whom we con- 
sider not what attribute expresseth best His nature, which is incomprehen- 
sible; but what best expressetb our desire to honour Him.' Lev. ch. xlvi. 

Accordingly, when Archbishop Bramhall, in objecting to this 
theory of corporeal spirits, argued that God must be either 
incorporeal or finite, the answer of Hobbes was, ' I deny both, 
and say, He is corporeal and infinite.' This position would seem 
almost necessarily to lead to some form of Pantheism akin to 
that of Spinosa, in whose system God is the substance of which 
all things are modes. Hobbes, however, never commits himself 
to any statement of the kind; and, in one passage of the 
Leviathan, appears to oppose this and cognate errors perhaps 
from caution, perhaps because such views were too imaginative, 
and suggested paradoxes too transcendental to please his cold 
argumentative temper. The legitimate consequences of his own 
view he of course accepts, such as the materiality of the soul, 
and therefore of imagination, thought, and intellectual acts in 
general. 

To state in detail the conclusions which Hobbes draws from 
his favourite hypothesis would be to recapitulate much that we 
have already said. Forming, as it does, the foundation of his 
shallow system, it is continually showing through. Even where 
the overgrowth of thought covers the barren rock, its outline is 
still perceptible. To recur once more to his best-known dogma : 
the theory of universal selfishness is the natural offspring of 
materialism ; on any other supposition, it would want that 
coherency which could alone enable it to stand for a moment 
against the overpowering weight- of the opposing facts. If, on 
the other hand, the mind be once viewed as a subtle form of 
matter, a nobler species of ' imponderable,' any repugnancy to 
accept the doctrine becomes almost unreasonable, a strong pro- 
bability in favour of its truth is established, and the onus probandi 
is transferred. Analogies from the physical world then come in 
to bear with considerable force and directness. As every atom, 
however subordinate to the system of which it is a part, has yet 
a little kingdom of its own, and excludes all beside itself from 
the portion of space it occupies; as on this small unalienable 
tenancy depend its complicated relations to its brother-atoms, and 
its very distinctness gives it its only value ; so, it may be argued, 
when our affections have rested on their objects without conscious 
reflex action on ourselves, and we have been binding ourselves 
with a thousand ties of love and sympathy to our fellow- 
creatures, yet, after all, these originate, however remotely, from 
that exclusive monopolizing spirit which constitutes our indivi- 



106 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 

duality, and it is only an abstract way of saying we are ourselves, 
to assert that we are selfish. If it be objected, that experience 
and the testimony of the heart assure us that our actions are 
sometimes wholly disinterested ; or again, that selfishness cannot 
be the motive which leads a great part of mankind directly to 
injure themselves, an answer is ready at hand. It may be said 
in reply, that a similar appeal to superficial experience would 
enable us to deny that matter universally gravitates towards 
matter; that the Newtonian theory might, on this principle, be 
disproved by the burning of a candle, or the ascent of a balloon. 
And, be it remembered, on the hypothesis of the Materialist, 
arguments of this kind cease to be vague analogies ; they are reason- 
ings from like to like, from matter to matter, from the seen to the 
unseen of the same genus. It must be admitted, on the evidence 
of the whole material world, that there need be no obvious 
resemblance between the phenomenon and the law which regu- 
lates it. Unless we insist on the antithesis between spiritual 
and corporeal, metaphors will in this manner be continually 
transforming themselves into instances; and what was at first 
only a respectable simile, will be promoted to the dignity of 
an example. 

In the politics of Hobbes we can trace the same spirit at 
work. What is his despotic sovereign, this giant creature of 
compact, this embodiment of collective power, this ' mortal God,' 
as, while professing to speak reverently, he somewhat profanely 
calls him ? Is he not the personal exhibition of the principle of 
quantity, the subjugation of each to all ? In the war of man 
against man, the absence of law and justice, the strife and 
struggle and confusion of the ante-social state, do we not see the 
picture of the primaeval chaos ? Then comes consolidation and 
union ; the harmony of like to like ; the organization which 
binds the mass so closely together, that the separation of any 
considerable part would be the destruction of the whole. There 
rises up a figure, like that on the quaint frontispiece of the 
Leviathan, the giant man, compact of many men, the sword in 
his right hand, and the pastoral staff in his left. Well may the 
sword be in his right hand, for he rules by the rod of power ! 
Without authority of his own, he acts in the deputed strength 
of all. This once given, he is no longer responsible ; might 
makes right; power only can claim obedience; to be able to 
compel, is to have lawful authority. Shocking to say, he 
applies his principle even to the supreme Ruler of all things. 
' The right of nature,' he tells us, ' whereby God reigueth over 
* men, and punisheth those that break His laws, is to be 
' derived, not from His creating them, as if He required obedi- 
' ence as of gratitude for His benefits, but from His irresistible 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbitry. 107 

* power To those whose power is irresistible, the 

' dominion of all men adhereth naturally by their excellence of 
' power ; and consequently it is from that power, that the king- 

* dom over men, and the right of afflicting men at His pleasure, 
' belongeth naturally to God Almighty, not as Creator, or as 

* gracious, but as Omnipotent.' (Lev. ch. xxxi.) After this, 
it cannot surprise us, to find exactly the same origin ascribed to 
parental authority. This, too, we are told, originates in compact ; 
the parent has the power to kill, or to expose the child, or 
to deny it nourishment ; and thus the child becomes subject ; 
for every one * is supposed to promise obedience to him, in 
whose power it is to save or to destroy him.' Thus love, 
admiration, reverence, devotion, are robbed of their office, and 
obedience resolves itself into a form of physical necessity. 

If the political system of Hobbes were practically as well as 
theoretically consistent, it might do much harm. But this is not 
the case ; though not eclectic in its spirit, it is in its results. 
There is no large class of thinkers with whose views it will meet, 
with whose feelings it will harmonize. Men, for the most part, 
cannot hold at once the theories of the social compact, and the 
unalienable rights of sovereignty. The masses take their 
opinions from their position. Those who feel and dislike their 
subjection will always urge that the people is the source of 
power ; those who command, or are willing to obey, will feel 
that at any rate the ruler has a right to exercise it. While 
philosophers may endeavour to reconcile the opposing theories, 
men in general will readily choose between them. Hobbes 
adopts a third course ; he puts both boldly forward, and leaves 
them. They are not balanced one against the other ; the super- 
ficial strata are wholly unlike the lower. The convention of the 
governed is the basis on which is rested the despotic power of 
the governor. The two facts are too loosely united to be 
received together into the mind which is indisposed to either. 
So the reader of Hobbes will probably be strengthened in his 
political opinions whatever they may be. The line of dis- 
tinction is so clearly and so deeply drawn, that it at once 
suggests the thought of a separation. Different theorists may 
divide Hobbes between them, and each go away contented. 

A far more serious danger, which would follow the revival of 
this materialistic tone, is to be found in the encouragement it 
would give to the movement of opinion towards fatalism. That, 
such a movement is actually taking place, must be clear, even 
to indifferent observers. A large class of writers, readers, and 
thinkers, are enlisted on its side. Of these, some have openly 
(K dared themselves; others are still held back by old feelings 
and associations which they are unwilling to relinquish, from the 



108 The Worfo of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmeslury. 

public surrender of opinions which they yet believe to be unten- 
able. Some, again, have unwarily admitted into their minds an 
element of thought, which, if they live long enough, and reason 
with sufficient consistency, will lead them to positions which 
they now hate and abhor as instinct with evil. It is surprising 
how a man's whole being may be leavened by a theory concern- 
ing the operation of general laws or the nature of the lines of 
demarcation which separate physical classes. He may think that 
he is weighing, by itself, a single question, when by entertaining 
it he has already decided a hundred. Others again, more clear- 
sighted and consequential thinkers, have pushed their inquiries 
to the point at which they see they must make their final 
decision. Sone deep-seated error in the foundation of their 
method has committed them to a dreadful alternative. How 
many highly-gifted thinkers of the day have reason to curse the 
spurious philosophy which has led them to a false antithesis, and 
torn the universe asunder. They seem to stand on their own 
individuality between two worlds, the moral and the physical, 
and to have to choose between them. They see double, and 
believe that the two parts of the whole contradict each other. 
This appears to turn on the poles of necessity ; that, to move 
self-actuated by its own inherent freedom. To reconcile the 
two, they declare one a falsehood. They deny the reality of 
half of God's works the outer or the inner world. And when 
their choice is made, they walk the earth for the rest of their 
lives maimed and imperfect beings. Half their heritage of truth 
they have let go, to save the other half. They pass over unno- 
ticed either the five days of creation or the sixth. They prac- 
tically disbelieve the reality of their Maker's works, or His 
goodness. A miserable dilemma, indeed, even were it certain 
that the desperate remedy would be effectual. In this mental 
consumption, the physician gladly perceives that one lung has 
ceased to act, in the hope that the disease may stop in the lobe 
in which it began, and not extend to the other. But the choice, 
however fearful, is not betwen equal evils. Better far it wen? 
to behold in the whole face of nature one vast and painful riddle, 
to close our eyes upon its wondrous beauty, and turn our minds 
from it as from a perplexing dream ; better even to shrink from 
it in dislike and abhorrence, as from the presence of evil clothed 
in the form of good, than to doubt the mystery of our own 
moral and spiritual life, the free up-springing of good in thi> 
regenerate heart, the power of the soul to stretch forth its hands, 
and feel for, and find its God. But happier are those who have 
no need to choose those, first of all, who behold everywhere 
in the universe the hand of its Creator, who can wander freely 
through its infinitude, and trace ten thousand wonderful analo- 






The Works of Thomas Holies, of Malmesbiiry. 10 

gies pervading grace and nature, and uniting man, individual 
and social, both with the unseen world of which he is a part, 
and the visible framework which he inhabits ; and next, those, 
who conscious of their deficiency in that comprehensive power 
which perceives the unity of the truth, are content simply to 
believe finding comfort in the very consciousness of their 
ignorance, and waiting for the day which shall make all things 
plain. 

In neither of these classes, however, is Hobbes likely to find 
his admirers. They must be sought among those tempers and 
characters which are disposed to give an undue prominence to 
that idea of mechanical agency which is so marked a feature of 
the age. If ever there were a time when men were likely to 
forget the one truth which even idolatry retained the person- 
ality of the First Cause it is the present. The complicated 
framework of society, with all its multiplied apparatus, its levers 
and cranks and axles, works yet so evenly and accurately, that it 
seems to need no adjustment. No guiding and presiding Intellect 
is on the surface necessary, when all proceeds calmly, with a 
motion so equable and so uninterrupted. The man of science 
looks abroad into the universe, proudly conscious of the laws 
which regulate it, and which enable him, as he thinks, to predict 
its condition through an endless succession of years. The artisan 
stands by the machine which works with unvarying regularity, 
and leaves it, when his day's work is over, in the confidence that 
rack and pinion will continue to do their duty, and the wheel 
make its accustomed number of revolutions on the morrow. 
Sometimes, indeed, philosopher and artisan both find themselves 
mistaken ; but both alike know the cause to which the error is 
attributable, to carelessness in details which they know they 
can remedy, or ignorance of conditions which they trust they can 
discover. The mass of the middle ranks, who have no exact 
acquaintance either with theory or practice, have yet, for the 
most part, a smattering of both, and are liable in full to the dan- 
gers which all agree in ascribing to a little learning. Their 
vanity can be satisfied without any pretence on their part to 
accuracy or extent of knowledge. They see a law here, and a 
fact there; each, perhaps, to their imperfect view, somewhat 
misty and indefinite : but this matters not taken together, they 
become perfectly clear. They eke out their ignorance of the 
circumstances with their acquaintance with the reasons, or illo- 
gically produce their familiarity with the effect as the complement 
wanting to their knowledge of the cause. They imagine they see 
the path to complete enlightenment, which nothing but the want 
of leisure or inclination prevents them from following. If not 
actually, they are potentially philosophers. With their hands 



110 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 

on the beginning of the clue of science, they rise superior to all 
sense of ignorance, and the childish impression of wonder. Divine 
Providence has no place in their scheme. They flatter them- 
selves that nothing but an accidental and curable imperfection 
debars them from enjoying in their own right the power of fore- 
knowledge. Acquainted with the organic causes of death, they 
are half reconciled to the necessity of dying. Necessity is with 
them a thing, a fact, the materia prima of philosophy ; not an 
agent acting necessarily. 

But if this be the state of those, who stand as spectators, and 
view the working of the machine who only seek amusement 
or gratify their love of knowledge in observing its mighty parts 
calmly performing their office as if full of conscious power what 
can we expect of those, who see it not from without, but from 
within who form, as it were, a part of it who live from their 
earliest childhood in its uniform, deafening noise, and in the gloom 
of its moving and fitful, but never-ceasing shadow ? What can 
be hoped of the victims, sacrificed in their infancy, yet still alive, 
who are employed to fill up the gap which art cannot as yet 
occupy who toil in our factories as something supplementary to 
the loom and the steam-engine ? Around them, all is hard order 
and method, change without variety, and ceaseless uniformity of 
revolution. 

' All day, the wheels are droning, turning, 

Their wind comes in our faces, 
Till our hearts turn, our heads, with pulses burning, 

And the walls turn in their places 
Turns the sky in the high window blank and reeling 

Turns the long light that droppeth down the wall 
Turn the black flies that crawl along the ceiling 

All are turning, all the day, and we with all ! 
And all day, the iron wheels are droning ; 

And sometimes we could pray, 
" ye wheels," (breaking out in a mad moaning) 

" Stop ! be silent for to-day !" ' 

Can we be surprised if they, who have never known freedom, 
are unable to believe that any thing is free ; if the tyranny of 
brute matter so bows the very soul, that it is not conscious of 
its natural elasticity, nor dares, if ever relieved from the bur- 
den which oppresses it, to exert its native powers of action ? In 
a natural state of society physical evil is the attendant on 
crime. The child is disobedient, wilfully breaks through the 
command of a parent, is discovered, and is punished. The 
family, like the state, testifies to a higher principle than that on 
which it regularly acts ; the course of the depraved world 
conforms involuntarily to the perfect law of its Maker. Even 
in the ill-regtilated household traces of moral government 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. Ill 

appear. A cruel or harsh father, the stern tyrant who makes 
his children fear and not love him, whose family prefers his 
absence to his presence, his neglect to his notice, his indifference 
to his smile, yet teaches a moral lesson. If he spreads misery 
around him, he is still an example of the truth that wickedness 
is the source of all evil. He illustrates the Divine economy, 
Avhich visits the sins of the fathers upon the children. Not so 
with the poor prisoners of our manufactories. They are not likely 
to perceive the conneixon between sin and pain. The creature 
that oppresses them is cold and passionless, a negative being, 
in itself neither good nor evil, no immediate offspring of inordi- 
nate anger or desire. They find themselves in its power; it 
inflicts suffering, and they suffer, and know not why. No evi- 
dent sin of themselves or others is the source of their greatest 
miseries. Their terror is not parental discipline, or even parental 
cruelty. The demon who rules them punishes not crime, but 
inadvertence. True, he is ruled in his turn, but with a spell 
which must be observed to the letter, or the enchanter will be 
destroyed. They know the dangers among which they move, 
the certain destruction which awaits them of limb or life, if 
one step too many be taken in this direction, or a hand extended 
too far in that, if the ragged clothing flutter but an inch beyond 
the allotted space, or a string or a ribbon be drawn in by the 
breath of a revolving wheel. 

To those who thus grow up it could scarcely seem a figure to 
talk of ruthless destiny, with her iron sceptre and heart of ada- 
mant harder than iron. The old Tartarus revives, with its never- 
ending tortures. Ixion is again at his wheel, and the Danaidae 
are labouring at- their endless task. The sufferings which anti- 
quity assigned to robbers and murderers are now falling on the 
head of those who are innocent of any extraordinary guilt be- 
yond that of our common nature. To counteract impressions 
like these, lessons of love and hope are wanted. No opportunity 
should be lost of inculcating the consoling doctrine of a special 
Providence. None should be left in ignorance of the powers to 
will and to do which belong to regenerate man. Goodness should 
be shown to be possible, not only independently of, but even in 
spite of, circumstances. If Hobbes exercises any influence, it 
will of course be in just the opposite direction. We have seen 
how he would bind man by the conditions which regulate the 
motions of irrational and insensible things. Nor would his teach- 
ing be necessarily less mischievous, because he arrives at his 
conclusions by means different from those which persons would 
employ who now accept them ; if his arguments rest on 
points of system and intellectual consistency, while the ques- 
tion is now made to turn rather on facts as we see them, and 



112 The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbnrif. 

the best method of accounting for them. Infidelity cannot afford 
to be scrupulous in the choice of materials. It is often the lot 
of controversialists to construct engines of warfare against a foe, 
which are afterwards unexpectedly brought to bear on some very 
different antagonist. The clever reasoner may frequently find 
much to his purpose in unlikely quarters. Our present subject 
will supply instances. Fatalism readily adopts the formulae of 
Calvinism. The Socialist calmly chooses his weapons from the 
armoury of Jonathan Edwards. 

We will mention in concluding one consequence of the ma- 
terialism of Hobbes, which is not at all likely to increase his 
influence the repulsively negative character of his philosophy. 
His system is bounded on every side ; in no quarter can we see 
the horizon. He walks boldly, and, as it would seem freely, but 
within a very narrow circle. He is his own gaoler, and a severe 
one too. In this respect he resembles any other theorist, who 
ventures to take some superficial feature, some generalization 
from obvious facts, some rule not proved to be true beyond a 
limited province, and apply it as the measure of the universe, and 
the summary law of nature. It is easy for any man to take a 
certain number of facts which strike him as illustrating a theory 
of his own, to dwell on them exclusively till they occupy his 
mind, and stand as representatives of a truth hitherto unknown, 
or denied, or neglected. It is easy to extract from these facts a 
formula, which, while it really depends upon them, shall seem to 
account for them. But results gained with so little labour, are 
not likely to be of much value. Our speculator must soon begin 
to suspect that his solution will not meet all possible cases ; that 
his method, even if it never leads to conclusions palpably false, 
is limited in its application, and leaves far too much unaccounted 
for. In this stage the matter cannot stop: particular propo- 
sitions belong not to science. The difficulty must be removed, 
or the theory abandoned. So at least it would seem at first, but 
another course remains. It may be just possible to save the 
darling imagination, by ignoring the inconvenient facts; to 
imitate the ostrich, which would escape its pursuers by burying 
its head in the sand. This would not be the resource of an 
honest or ingenuous mind; but Hobbes repeatedly adopts it. 
His usual way of anticipating an objection is to deny its possi- 
bility. No man was ever more bold in asserting a negative, 
none less careful in proving it. Nothing which is not dreamt 
of in his philosophy is allowed to exist in heaven or earth. He 
is not content with enunciating part of the truth, unless you 
grant that he has expressed the whole. * Nothing but,' and 
'only' are prominent in his vocabulary. His very definitions 
are thrown into an adversative form, and denv as much as thev 



The Works of Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. 113 

affirm. We will give a few instances out of many. ' Life is but 
a motion of limbs.' 'Imagination is nothing but decaying 
sense.' * Prudence is but experience.' ' Knowledge is nothing 
' else but a tumult of the mind, raised by external things that 
* press the organical part of man's body.' What rash assumptions 
are these ! how characteristic of that grossest of all philosophical 
heresies, which begins by professing to dispense with faith, and 
concludes with endless calls on credulity. The materialist would 
gain nothing from his own cases fairly stated. 'Life is indi- 
cated by the motion of the limbs.' ' Though sense decays, 
imagination survives.' ' Prudence results from experience.' 
' Knowledge comes when external objects are perceived by the 
mind through the senses.' 

On the whole, we are disposed to regard this edition of 
Hobbes as a phenomenon, and nothing more as a mark of an 
individual taste, not as a sign of the present, or an augury of 
the future. Its very bulk precludes it from attracting very 
general attention. In a few cases it may serve to disturb and 
destroy opinions, not to construct. The Leviathan can at most 
be restored to a kind of galvanic life. It may raise itself for a 
moment, and seem to threaten, but in a moment also it will col- 
lapse, and be brute matter again. Hobbes may be better 
known for a short time, to be again neglected. A row of well- 
printed volumes will be added to several public, and some 
private libraries. And the honourable member for Southwark 
may descend to posterity, if he please, as the editor of Hobbes 
of Malmesbury. 



NO. LIII. N. 8. 



114 



ART. V. 1. A Letanie with Suffrages, to be said or songe with 
the Plein-Tone. Edited by CRANMER. Grafton, 1544. 

2. The same with a Quire Harmony on the Plein-Tone, as used in 
the King's Chapel. 1544. 

3. The BooJce of Common Praier, noted. Edited by JOHN MER- 
BECKE. 1550. 

4. The Psalter or Psalms of David after the translation of the Great 
Bible, pointed as it shall be songe in Churches. 1549. 

5. Certayne Notes set forth in 3 and 4 parts, to be songe at the 
Morning, Communion, and Evening Praier, with divers Godly 
Praters and Psalms. John Day. 1560. 

6. Morning and Evening Praier and Communion, set forth in 
4 parts, to be songe in Churches. John Day. 1565. 

7. Church Music. Selected by REV. JOHN BARNARD. 10 vols. 
folio. 1641. 

8. An Exangelicall and Musical Psalter. By THOMAS RAVENS- 
CROFT. 1621 and 1633. (Ed. by Havergal. 1845.) 

9. Brief Directions for the Use of St. PauTs and other Cathedral 
and Collegiate Churches. By the REV. JAMES CLIFFORD. 
1663. 

10. Directions for the Celebration of Cathedral Service. By 
EDWARD Low, Organist of the Chapel Royal. 1661 and 1 664. 

11. Musica Ecclesia? Anglicance. By THOMAS TOMKINS. 5 vols. 
1668. 

12. Brief Directions for understanding the Cathedral Use. John 
Playford. 17241730. 

13. A Collection of Chants. By PHILIP VANDERNAN. (Circa 1720.) 

14. A Collection of Chants. By E. F. RIMBAULT, LL.D. 
D'Almaine. 1845. 

15. The Psalter set to appropriate Chants. By JOHN HULL AH. 
J. W. Parker. 1845. 

16. The Modern Use of St. Peter's, Westminster. Edited by 
DR. RIMBAULT. Bell: Fleet Street. 1845. 

17. A Fac-simile Reprint of Merbecke's Church Song. 4to. 
Pickering. 1845. 

18. A Reprint of the same. 8vo. Novello. 1845. 

19. Cantica Sacra. Edited by J. ALFRED NOVELLO. 8vo. 
Novello. 

20. A Collection of Gregorian Chants. By J. WARREN. Cocks. 
1844. 



English Ritual Music. 115 

21. A Collection of Single and Double Gregorian Chants,^ har- 
monized by SIR H. R. BISHOP, late Professor of Music in the 
University, Edinburgh. 1845. 

22. A Collection of Chants. By PROFESSOR WALMISLEY. Novello. 

23. The Duty and Advantage of learning to Sing. A Lecture 
delivered before the Leeds Church Institution. By JOHN 
HULLAH. Parker: London. 1846. 

24. The Principles of the Common Prayer considered, fyc. A series 
of Lectures. By REV. AY. J. E. BENNETT. Cleaver. 1845. 

25. Order of Daily Service used in Cathedrals. By EDWARD 
Low. A new edition, corrected by DR. RIMBAULT. Bell. 
1845. 

26. The Parish Choir. Nos. 16. Published Monthly. Ollivier. 
1846. 

THAT part of the year in common parlance styled ' The Lon- 
don Season,' whilst rife with a multitude of frivolous and 
feverish novelties, still brings within its course some few occur- 
rences that are peculiarly delightful to the reflective mind, and 
which year after year suggest the possible and probable means 
which maybe brought to bear upon the feelings of the community 
in reference to many things and practices in the Church, which, 
although generally allowed, are not altogether canonical. It may 
appear strange and difficult to connect certain annual attractions 
of the Metropolitan Season with a clearer apprehension and 
greater reverence for the Ritual Music of our ancient Service- 
Book ; but an unprejudiced consideration of the natural con- 
sequences of the increased and increasing attendances on the 
performances of Handel's Oratorios, and the vigorous attempts 
to invest the different services (held in the mother Cathedral 
of St. Paul, for charitable purposes) with a more than ordi- 
nary splendour and solemnity, can lead to no less important 
a result. It has been the fashion with some to look upon 
that magnificent and impersonal system of responsorial in- 
flexion, which is included in the generic term of ' the 
Ritual Song of the Catholic Church' as a thing without mind 
or reason, dull enough and barbarous enough to chime in with 
music in its lowest possible state of degradation. But so long 
as the English people enjoy the performance of that solemn 
celebration of the birth, teaching, passion, death, resurrection, 
ascension, and eternal reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, as set 
forth in the wondrous strains of the immortal Handel, they 
possess a kind of ' curriculum totius anni,' abounding in 
features of the ancient Church Song, which at some no dis- 
tant period must receive its true ecclesiastical connexion and 
character. What matters it that Westminster Abbey has 

i2 



116 English Ritual Music. 

forgotten its eighth tune or tone, and no longer recognises this 
'cunning' of the Songs of Zion? Is it not year after year 
sung in the Hanover Square Rooms for the benefit of the 
Royal Society of Musicians, in presence of the great, and 
the noble, and the wealthiest of the land? Is it not as familiar 
as household words to the breathless audiences of Exeter Hall ? 
Who is there that has not heard the first chorus of the Messiah, 
' And the Glory of the Lord shall be revealed,' and who that 
has once heard it from the Quire of the Sacred Harmonic 
Society, can ever forget the proclamation? 1 




For the mouth of the Lord hath spo - ken it. 



If it were possible to imagine the most impossible of all im- 
possible things the lasting oblivion of the Ancient Chants in 
our services, the mighty Handel has himself rendered their de- 
struction a thing beyond human power to accomplish. Let the 
Quire of St. Paul's continue to neglect the First Tone, Handel 
echoes it in their ears from the 200 men of Exeter Hall, in the 
chorus, 2 




The Lord gave the word. 



So also in the ' Israel in Egypt,' the intonation of the Seventh 
Tone : s 




I will sing un - to the Lord 



Does any one doubt the beauty and sublimity of a respon- 
sorial song? Let him listen to ' the tossing and trowling' of the 
Alleluias in that wondrous Church Song, the Hallelujah 

Throughout this article we have printed the musical quotations in modern 
notation, as more generally intelligible. 

1 Handel adopts this tone also in the choruses, ' Let their celestial concerts all 
unite' (Samson.) 'Fixed in his everlasting seat' (Samson.) 'They now 
cont ract' (Joshua.) 

2 This use of the intonation of the first tone is a favourite with Handel. See 
that noble song ; ' As great Jehovah lives, I swear" (Saul.) ' Father of Heaven,' 
in Judas Maccabeus. ' The noble army of martyrs praise Thee,' in the great 
' Te Deum ;' and the ' Pious orgies,' in Judas Maccabeus. 

3 Also in the Hallelujah chorus, ' For the Lord God omnipotent reigneth' 
^Messiah.) And .' Let old Timotheus' (Alexander's Feast.) 



English Ritual Music. 117 

Chorus of the Messiah the very perfection of an antiphonal 
Lobegesang. Will he dispute the power of the monotone, that 
law of unity, which is to bring the voice of * the great congrega- 
tion' into one simultaneous and concording expression? hark, to 
those sweet treble voices, accumulating their 200 tones into 
one, upon the words ' King of Kings and Lord of Lords /' and 
who is there that does not thrill with mingled emotions of awe 
and delight as the men of the quire at length take the tone 
from the sopranos, and burst forth upon the best and strongest 
note in the male register :* 



King of kings, and Lord of lords. 

Does any one dread the developments or pneumas of the 
ancient Church Song? or (with Mr. Hullah) remind us that 
* Walther gives a Chant of the eleventh century, in which are 
found seventy notes on one syllable?' Then let him turn to the 
Amen Chorus of the Messiah, and see seven hundred notes or 
more upon two syllables. 

Whilst Handel in England was strengthening his produc- 
tions with these precious jewels of the Church, Sebastian Bach, 
his great contemporary, was enshrining in his marvellous har- 
monies the ancient Ambrosian ' Te Deum,' the Litanies, Creeds 
and the Hymns 

' A Soils ortus cardine' 

' Christe qui lux' 

' Veni sancte Spiritus' 

' Mittit ad Virginem' 

' Veni Redemptor gentium' 

' Veni Creator Spiritus' 

' In dulcijubilo' 

' Resonet in laudibus' 



1 See also ' The people shall hear' (Israel in Egypt) ' Glory to God,' (Messiah.) 
For the use of the canto fermo, see the choruses ' Serve the Lord,' (Jubilate,) 
' Jehovah hath redeemed,' (Belshazzar,) ' We worship God,' (Judas Maccabeus,) 
' Your harps and cymbals,' (Solomon.) And for hymn melodies, ' Let thy dark 
servant,' (Samson,) grounded on the 'Aus tiefer noth schrey ich zu dir.' 
' Wretched Lovers,' (Acis and Galatea,) which, like Tallis's anthem, ' Hear the 
Voice and Prayer,' commences with the opening phrase of the Ambrosian 
Hymn, ' Christe qui lux et dies,' ' Then round about the starry Throne,' 
(Samson,) formed on the ' Ewigkeit, du Donnerwort ;' and that noble chorus, 
' Praise the Lord,' (Solomon.) Handel's love for the Palestrina School was so 
great, that in 'Samson' he interpolates the magnificent chorus, ' Hear Jacob's 
God,' note for note as Carissimi wrote it. 



118 English Ritual Music* 

together with many others, all of which, we do not doubt, 
pseudo-musicians and hectoring lecturers would at once declare 
to be very ' indifferent' sort of Music ; * unpretending' to exe- 
cute, and excessively 'tiresome' to listen to. But we may 
add, that which Bach and Handel left unfinished, Mendelssohn, 
the master-spirit of the present epoch, seems willing to achieve. 
His ' Oratorio of St. Paul,' breathes whole phrases of the Gre- 
gorian Chant. 

Whilst the musical celebrations of the season are thus quietly 
but with a surety leading the public taste to the appreciation 
of the might and magic of our Ritual inflexions, the peculiar 
character of the pretendedly high celebrations in the Metropo- 
litan Cathedral, for charitable and other purposes, stand out in 
rather a disastrous relief. This is the more to be regretted, as 
the opportunities offered in St. Paul's Cathedral for solemn 
services are usually those which absorb much of public atten- 
tion. On the return of the two chief legal terms, the judges of 
the land, and the members of the legal profession, attend what 
may be aptly described a high processional service ; the Offertory 
services held in commemoration of the Charities for the Sons of 
the Clergy, and the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 
and that which calls up a re-union of all the Metropolitan 
Schools, equally offer occasions for a similar celebration. Still 
whilst on these fixed days of modern festivity nothing be 
attempted in that Cathedral which might demonstrate the won- 
drous applicability of our Ritual Song to all the exigencies of 
high Church Service, the attempts that are made prove in no 
ambiguous manner the embarrassment which oppresses all parties, 
arising from the want of that * rule of conformity,' which an 
attention to the written law of our Church music would at once 
direct and enforce. The judges of the land usually walk up 
the chilly nave of our Metropolitan Cathedral in silence, and 
unaccompanied by any effective body of the Ecclesiastical Cor- 
poration ; the service is strictly a quire service from first to last ; 
the Ecclesiastical body take no part, nor do the people. Boys' 
chants, organists' chants, chapel anthems, 1 long solos, and strange 
' voluntaries,' mark the desire to give a dignity and grandeur to 
these days ; but the impression created is neither that of wisdom 
nor of beauty. Take an example of the chant generally given to 
the Psalms for the day : 



1 The Chapel anthems, by which we mean those written by the composers to the 
Chapel Royal, Parcel, Weldon, Croft, Boyce, and others, form a peculiarity in the 
English Church, and being composed for a small Chapel, and for instrumental 
accompaniments, constitute a wide departure from the Abbey and Collegiate 
school, and certainly but little fitted for the mother church of the Metropolitan 
Diocese. 



English Ritual Music. 



119 



Sloper. 






i - g__ 



Heathcole. 






H=P 



-& 



Dupuis. 



What are these but imitations of the merry trolls sung by our 
low Churchmen in the time of that excitement for a popular and 
secular metrical Psalmody, when the noble hymn of the * Te 
Deum' was given to such a melody as this 



From Day's Psalter, 15G4. 




The melody to the Este and Ravenscroft ' Venite Exultemus' 
is, if possible, still more (to use Dr. Coverdale's, the Bishop of 
Exeter's expression), 

'Hey! nony, nony, 
Hey ! troly, troly.' 



Ip English Ritual Music. 

The fine old Church tune, * Es spricht der unweisen mund 
whol,' set by this Bishop to the thirteenth Psalm of his curious 
Psalter of 1539, demonstrates that he at least was no patron of 
these anomalies; and the eight tunes by Tallis, 1 in the 1557 
Psalter of Archbishop Parker, are evidences of a second stand 
made by a high dignitary against the flood of secular melody 
that had washed away the ancient landmarks of our Church 
song. The truth is, our famed Tudor Psalm tune, and modern 
Anglican or boys' chant, come from one and the same form, 
which is that of the Pavan Dance, a fact which a collation of 
any of the early dance-music of 1550 will establish. We take 
an example from the * Orchesographie of Thenot Arbeau, 1558.' 

Dance, 1558. 







^tr^iT^u-ztp=p=cp=n=q=5=T-~cF-E 



The chant alleged to have been composed by John Farrant 
(1598) is the very counterpart of the concluding strains of this 
dance. 

____ Alleged Tudor Chant, 1598. 




Whilst the solitary chant said to have been left to the Church 
by Dr. Greene, ' the tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee' of Handel's 
scorn, is not much unlike the opening hemistich. 

Hanoverian Chant, 1730. 




FTTH- e-4J-Q- 



The service sung at the Festival of the Sons of the Clergy is 
no longer that of Handel, but still the music is none of the 
Church's heritage ; none of those strains, which for a thousand 
years have been married to the Psalms and the responsorial 
portions of our Ritual. It is organists' music Attwood, Boyce, 
Greene, and a fraudulent perversion of Tallis. The congrega- 
tional service, Avith the five thousand soprano voices on the 
assembling of the Charities, is still worse; and the vulgarity of an 
organist named Jones, formerly an accompanyist in the Cathedral, 

1 These are reprinted in ' Sacred Music, by Tye, Tallis, &c.' 4to. Burns. 



English Ritual Music. 



121 



is annually preserved, to the grief and consternation of all who 
love their Church, and its undying melodies. It runs thus 




It is technically called the * Charity Children's Chant,' and 
may often be heard as a lugubrious termination, in frightfully 
drawling time, in London churches, after the alternate reading 
of the priest, and his solitary ' parish clerk.' 

On reading and hearing such things as have been quoted, one 
naturally asks the question Has the English Church no author- 
ized Ritual Music ? Is there no Church song in our branch of 
the Catholic Church ? Have we no Directorium Chori ? Are the 
things ' to be sung' left to the management of organists and 
boys nay, even women ? for, if we mistake not, we have heard 
the Psalms in a Cathedral sung to a chant by a lady. Must we 
go to Exeter Hall to hear the lost echoes of the Church's glory, 
the thanksgivings of her saints ? If it be that we have lost the 
song of Catholic Christendom, and set up the false idols of 
amateur composers, (for such are all Cathedral organists,) seeing 
that they are neither educated in Church song by the Church, 
nor even paid for what they may scribble we are of all Church- 
men most unfortunate. But it is not thus. The Church has 
its Directorium Chori, she has not lost her marvellous language 
and Heavenly Voice, and she neither requires nor accepts the 
hundreds of contemptible chants, and scores of absurd psalters, 
which covetous and conceited pseudo-musicians and indifferent 
accompanyists endeavour to foist into her service. 

The English Church is the people's Church. Strange would 
it be if it had only an artistical song, and were deficient in a 
plenus cantus, or congregational one. Strange would it have been 
had the revisers of 1548 taken from us our Catholic Antiphonal 
Use, and our musical formularies, of scriptural authority, and 
almost, if not quite, of scriptural antiquity ; the men who de- 
clared themselves to have eschewed innovations and all ' new- 
fangleness ;' and who set to work to reproduce the then slum- 
bering duty of making the people, no less than the clergy, 
concerned in the celebration of Divine offices. To set up any 
barrier of uncertain use, or a use depending upon the changing 
tastes and caprices of organists and quiremen, in the celebration 
of the Confession, the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, the 



122 English Ritual Music. 

Versicles, Suffrages, Responses, Psalms, and Doxologies, is a 
violation and abrogation of the song to be sung ' by the minister 
and the people,' and must be characterised as having a tendency 
destructive of that ' league of insoluble unity' wherewith the 
people strive which shall most ( show his own, and stir up other's 
zeal to the glory of that God, Whose name they magnify.' 
Strange, again, would it have been for our revisers to have re- 
tained a congregational song, a people's chant, and yet not to have 
appropriated any portion of the service to which they could 
apply it. And still stranger would it be, if it were in the power 
of quiremen and organists to take it from us, to disfigure the im- 
personal declamations of the Church in a garb of this or that 
man's peculiarities, to seal up the Catholic response of priests 
and people, and dignify this monstrous delusion with the appel- 
lation of a ' Full Cathedral Service,' ' an Extraordinary Re- 
sponsal,' or the ' Choral Worship of the Anglo-Catholic Church !' 
The Ritual song of the English Church does not owe its creation 
or form to any father or fathers of English harmony. If it did 
so, it would fain take its place by ' the antient liturgy of the 
Genevan Church,' and perhaps form an interesting section in 
the history of * the antiquities of dissenting Churches.' * Ritual 
music and anthem music, priests' and people's music, and quire- 
men's music, are essentially distinct and different things. As 
much examination as you please into the styles of the founders 
of Tudor and Stewart harrrony music, but no new ' Order of 
performing Divine Service in Cathedrals and Collegiate Chapels;' 
no ' Short Directions for the understanding of that part of 

* Divine Service, performed with the Organ in St. Paul's Cathe- 

* dral on Sundayes.' We have already Mr. Hill's Use, (we refer 
to this word in its restricted, and only musical, signification,) Mr. 
Bishop's Use, Mr. Warren's Use, Mr. Rimbault's Use, Mr. Jebb's 
Use, Mr. Bennett's ' Undersong,' and Psalters by Calvert, Wes- 
ley, Hullah, Jones, Bennett, Marshall, Rimbault, Walmisley, 
Beckwith, Marsh, &c., the only end of which is to prove, with 
much industry and ingenuity, that the Church has no People's 
Use, no Priests' Use, no Rubrical Use, and that there is nothing 
remaining to us by which ' every person should know the rule 
to which he is to conform in public worship ' no possibility of 

* universal agreement ' than which, we are told, ' nothing more 

* conduces to the honour of our religion, and to the propagation 
' thereof.' We have a clear uniformity in our Catholic Ritual 
song; there can be 'no diversity in singing and saying in Churches' 
so long as we apply ourselves to the rules it offers ; and herein 

* the whole realm has but one Use.' But whilst we have wor- 
shipped the vanities and corruptions of quiremen, and gone after 

1 Tallis is a nonentity without Merbecke, and Merbecke equally so without the 
musical office books of the ancient Church. 



English Ritual Music. 123 

the traditions of organists, we have lost sight of the unalienablc 
rights of the poor; we have silenced the acclamations of a Com- 
mon Prayer ; we have entertained the incredible delusion, that 

* a read Service is the rule, and a chanted one the exception.' 
So that the practice of our Cathedrals is believed to be a permitted 
infringement on rubrical authority; we have sealed up the mouths 
of our dignified clergy and pious commonalty in the high churches, 
and we permit every stranger and sciolist to have his tune and his 
figment, his song and his say, until at length we have lost the 
very meaning of the musical terminology of our Church. There 
has been an invasion of rights that which priests and people 
ought to sing or say, the quiremen have appropriated to them- 
selves. And how any man can hold ' the belief of Rubrics,' when 
he sees them all set aside as obsolete and effete, wherever there are 
quires, 1 is more than we can comprehend. In every case that a 
Church has left the ancient Ritual song of Christendom, the 
celebrations of that Church have become unnatural, unscriptural, 
undevotional, and uncongregational. * O come, let us sing,' 
should be rendered 'O come, let us read: ' * O come before His 
' presence with a song,' and ' O Lord, open Thou our lips,' ' O, 
' sing unto the Lord,' and 'Let the people praise Thee,' should 
be severally struck out as contradictions of the fact, or as incon- 
sistent with the possibility of its realization. The Ritual music 
of the Church is a people's music, but this cannot be said of any 
quire music yet created. 

The English Church never parted with the Song of the Chris- 
tian Church. If it did so, its abrogation and abnegation must 
be a matter of record, and within the knowledge of Bishops and 
Deans, Archdeacons and Ordinaries, Doctors and Proctors. It 
was no part even of the continental Reformation, at least in its 
commencement, to get rid of it. True it is, the Helvetian 
Schism was a singular exception. In this community the Song 
was deposed, and the record of its humiliation reads thus 

* That Song which they call Gregory's Song hath many gross 
things in it, wherefore it is, upon good cause, rejected.' But 
the Rituals and Agenda of the other reformed bodies of Augsburg, 
Sueveland, Bohemia, Wirtemberg, and Saxony, affirm the con- 
trary ; and the Manuals of Rasselius, Rhau, Lossius, and Wilph- 
lingsederus, and the magnificent Directorium Chori, Antiphonal, 
Hymnal, and Psalterium of Lucas Lossius, published in 1553, 
as a * Curriculum totius anni' testify that the Saxon Lutherans 
did not part with the ritual music of Catholic Christendom. In 
this noble cyclopaedia of Ritual song is an exceedingly pure 

1 ' The minister and the people' do not sing, for the simple reason, they cannot. 
The tune is a quire tune beyond the compass of their voices : not decent and solemn 
enough for 'the minister,' and too fast and secular for ' the great congregation.' 



124 



English Ritual Music. 



version of the Ambrosian ' Te Deum,' and the Lutheran congre- 
gations in London are no strangers to its solemn and almost 
unearthly cadences. Indeed the Luther 'Lobegesang' is usually 
sung in London on Easter Sunday and on other high days. 
This version commences 



Herr Gott dich lo - ben wir. 



The antepenultimate note is of ancient Gallican authority, 
although the 'Directorium Chori ' of our Sixth Edward gives it 
purer, thus 




We praise thee. O 



God. 



^ This is ' the note to a syllable ' form recommended by Dr. 
Cranmer. The usual form in English cathedrals and collegiate 
churches previous to the reformed period beino- 1 







De . - am, lau - da - 



The Milan directories afford the most correct expression 




De 



lilU 



da - mus. 



Church, 
otherwise 



in 



However little to be approved may be the course of 
Luther, his indomitable energy in securing the preservation 
of the authorized song and ancient voice of the 
must in fairness be admitted. Xor was it 
Bohemia. The exquisitely beautiful tones of the Church 
had for centuries been allied to a vernacular ritual there 
was the peculiarity of a kind of national Spicilegium, and 
no singing was more catholic and congregational. In the 
eleventh century, the Seventh Gregory withdrew the permission 
for a vernacular service, on the allegation that by such general and 
loud singing the science might fall into contempt and disrepute. 
A struggle ensued, which ultimately proved to be one of the 



From the MS. Norwich Office Books, (Sarura Use,) in the British Museum. 



English Ritual Music. 



125 



leading and great causes of the separation of that national com- 
munion from Roman guidance. In England, the application of 
the Ritual song to our vernacular liturgical and other services, 
was commenced by Cranmer himself. To secure a unity of Use, 
a certain rule of conformity, and a cooperation of the people, he 
decided on taking the simple or undeveloped form of song, 
which is that of generally < a note to a syllable.' The quire were 
to return to their duty of leading the general voice of the con- 
gregation, and no longer to relieve them of their duty by the 
exhibition of such expansions as were beyond their compre- 
hension or grasp. The theory of the quire ' vocally representing 
the voice of the people,' was then unknown and unadvocated. 

Dr. Cranmer's first publication appeared in the year 1544, as 
' A Letanie with Suffrages, to be said or songe ;' and was accom- 
panied by the Plenus Cantus, or ancient Supplication Song. It 
begins with the phrase 




The spirit of the epoch compelled the Archbishop to decline 
the developed festival form of a Litany chant, and to promulgate 
one of more common and simple structure. We add a specimen 
of such developed form 



Bles - sed, and Glo - ri - ous 



ni - ty, Three per - sons and one God 




Have ' mer - cy up - on us mis - e - ra - ble sin - ners. 



But the Archbishop's intention of a uniformity of use was 
speedily foiled by the conduct of the quiremen. The king's 
chapel service, a service which from the earliest times has been 
the cause of every possible kind of innovation on right usage and 
primitive practice, was then a high service; and the simple tune 
of Bp. Cranmer, without a melisma from beginning to end, was 



126 English Ritual Music. 

turned into a festival form by the addition of harmony. 7 The 
ancient chants of the Church are capable of being' harmonized in 
several modes or keys, more especially so by slight alterations ; 
and although the first harmony upon the Litany tone of Bp. 
Cranmer was in the right mode, the next was not, and the song 
became changed, thus * 




Some tune after, Tallis again changed its character, by a new 
arrangement in no mode whatever ; a form which Barnard, in 
1641, * despoiled.' s 

Doubtless, the Litany tone of Cranmer has suffered many 
changes, but we trust it has arrived at its last state of melan- 
choly degradation, for nothing can be more shocking than the 
modern version used in Westminster Abbey, which we extract 
from * The Order of Daily Service used in the Abbey Church 
of St. Peter, Westminster.' Bell. 




O God, the Father of Heaven, have mercy upon us mis-e-ra-ble sin-ners. 



In leaving the Litany, we wish it to be borne in mind that 
Dr. Cranmer invented no new song, but confined the new Sup- 
plication Service to one ferial form. But its publication in a 
harmonized form was an innovation, although perhaps allowable, 
as it had long probably been exhibited with an ad libitum or 
extempore counterpoint previous to the reformed epoch. The 
first continental harmonized Litany was that for four voices, 
published in 1592, by Annibal Stabile, a pupil of Palestrina. 
Palestrina's four-voiced Litany appeared in 1593, and there are 
several eight-voiced Litanies extant by this composer, in manu- 
scripts. Those by Anerio followed in 1613-1618; and Mas- 
senzio in 1631, Agazzari in 1639, Foggia in 1652, and Yalentini 
in 1657, severally issued their counterpoints. Without .entering 
on the general question respecting the propriety of harmonized 



1 ' The Letanye according to the Notes used in the Kynge's Chappel.' Grafton. 
1544. 

2 Day's Quire Manual of Church Song. 1560-1565. 

3 ' Barnard/ says Dean Aldrich, ' was the first to despoil Tallis's Litany. He 
took the Plenus Cantus, or men's song, from the tenor, and converted it' into a 
bov's tone.' 



English Ritual Music. 



127 



music for the enunciation of the members of the quire, whilst 
the chief supplicant and the ecclesiastical body sustain the 
ancient Church song the latter being the true character and con- 
stitution of a collegiate responsorial use it must be remarked, 
that the use now prevalent can as little be defended as with 
any decorum retained. Now the priests of the Church are led 
by children the ( parvi clerici ' take up the responsive Church 
tones ; their simplicity is disfigured, their sublimity secularized ; 
and when Bishop Burnet writes on * the indecent practice of 
singing the prayers' in our cathedrals, we cannot help imagining 
that it was this strange transformation of the Litany Service 
which drew from him this strong expression. 1 

The new Prayer-book of 1549 required a new ' Directorium 
Chori,' and indeed it would have been difficult to have ascer- 
tained ' the rule for conformity,' * the one and the same Use,' 
through ' the whole realm,' without such a publication. Any 
individual reference to office books, such as the Hour Manuals, 
Processionals, Psalteriums, and Breviariums, would have led to 
doubt and indecision. The Hymnals, Graduals, and Antipho- 
nals, would have been useless, for the Metrical Hymn was 
abandoned, and the Sequences, Grayles, and Antiphons, had 
been excised. Archbishop Cranmer, it appears, again at- 
tempted the adaptation of the vernacular to the ancient tones of 
the Church, but the labour was beyond his powers. He tried 
to preserve the ' Salve festa dies? by uniting the note to an 
English version ; and failing, resigned the general task to the 
lay vicar and organist of St. George's Chapel, Windsor. As 
the melody of the * Salve festa dies ' is not generally known, we 
introduce it here, in a shape adapted to any long measure hymn. a 



PASCHAL HYMN, by Vcnantius Fortunatus. 




1 In the prefatory note ushering in Mr. Novcllo's'edition of Merbecke's Direc- 
torium Chori, Dr. Rimbault observes, ' the Litany Chant has been preserved in a 
more entire and unmutilated state in our cathedrals than any other part of plain 
(plein) song.' How the writer could pen this sentence, after editing and publishing 
the ' Use of St. Peter's, Westminster,' passes our understanding. The modern 
Litany Song is beyond a mutilation it is profanity. 

2 The Lutheran version of the ' Salve festa dies ' melody is set to the hymn, 
'Mach's mit mir Gott nach deiner gilt.' Although the original suffers somewhat 
from its new dress in English rhythm, there are many of the ancient hymn 
melodies which require no alteration whatever in their application to English 



English Ritual Music. 

John Merbeck, the author of the first Directorium pub- 
lished after the Litany by Cranmer, was an alumnus of the 
Windsor Chapel. Of his duties he writes, ' In the study of 
e musicke and playing on organes I vainly consumed the greatest 

* part of my life.' Fox, in 1583, says of him, * He is not dead, 

* but liveth, God be praised ; and yet to this present singeth 
'merrily, and playeth on the organs.' He died in 1591. 

Merbecke executed his task in agreement with Cranmer's 
Suggestions, for we find his Directory is just such a work as the 
; Archbishop desired. He had with regard to the Litany declared 
his preference for a ferial over a festival form ; he was satisfied 
that the note to the Matins, Evensong, Psalms, and Versicles, 
as used in the ancient offices, was ' distinct and devout.' As 
to the delivery of the new matter he decides, that a song (one 
song) shall be made which should not be full of notes, but 

* sober and distinct,' ' as near as may be for every note a 
syllable ;' who for a moment can believe that it was the inten- 
tion of our Bishops to depose the Ritual song of a thousand years, 
and leave the new book to ' an experimental squadron' of 
organists and singing men? or that our Psalm Chants should 
have fallen to the composition of country accompanyists and 
beardless boys? 1 The song was a holy song it possessed its 
derivative and relative holiness as much as the sanctuaries, 
chancels, vessels, vestments, and the other outward circum- 
stances consecrated to the service and honour of God ; and was, 
further, the only known medium or mechanism in which the 



measure. As an example, we append the Advent Hymn, ' Creator alme siderum.' 
How sad it is that, whilst writing on these beautiful songs, we are unable to 
refer to any English Choral Book ! A spirit is moving, however, which may shortly 
lead to the production, we trust, of a complete set of office and hymn music. 

ADVENT HYMN. 





Cre-a-tor al-me si -de - rum, JE. ter - na Luxrre-den-ti - urn. 




Christ-e Re-dernptor otn - ni - uin, Ex- au - di pre-ces sup-pli - cum. 



1 Dr. Cooke has left us a naive account of the education of the quire boy. ' I 
don't teach my boys,' said the Doctor, ' they teach one another.' The result of 
such education, as may be imagined, has been as prudent and reasonable as the 
method. 



English Ritual Music. 

offices could be sung or celebrated. 1 Its great beauty was no 
less a feature than its venerable antiquity. It was as familiar 
as household words to the English people, who were accustomed 
to take their share in the services even when the offices were 
celebrated in Latin; for at the end of Hearne's edition of 
Robert de Avesbury, (page 379,) we find an extract from the 
Injunctions of the then Archbishop of Canterbury, (Cardinal 
Reginald Pole,) which is declaratory of the people joining in the 
Quire Song in times preceding the reformed usages. ' Item 
' the churchwardens of every parish where service was accus- 
' tomed to be sung exhort all as can sing, and have been accus- 

* tomed to sing in the quire in the time of sch:sm, or beftrs, 
' and have withdrawn themselves from singing ; and on refusal to 

* present them to the Ordinary, or to the Chancellor.' 

Merbecke's Direetorium has suffered much undeserved mis- 
representation by its being considered in a perverse light, a light 
the author never intended it to be viewed in. His object was 
not to create a work of ' prycked song,' or * harmony music,* 
or hymns and creeds formed on * solemn composures,' or * va- 
rieties.' He made no attempt to exalt the morning and evening 
offices above the co-operation of priests and people. The great 
principle, that the people no less than the ecclesiastical corpora- 
tion were to be concerned in the celebration of the service, was 

1 ' There is,' says Archbishop Laud, ' a derivative and relative holiness in places 
as well as vessels dedicated to the service and honour of God. Are we who have 
separated the chaff to cast away the corn too ] If it come to that, let us take heed 
that we fall not upon the Devil's winnowing, who labours to beat down the corn, 
for it is not the chaff that troubles him !' With how much more force do these 
remarks apply to the venerable song of Christendom ! and how opposed to the 
flippancy of a late divine, who introduced into church service secular melodies, on 
the plea, ' it was a pity the devil should have all the best tunes to himself.' But 
the evil spirit has no such property in good music ; and Dr. Burney never made a 
sounder observation than when he wrote, ' I have ever observed that national taste 
in music was good in proportion to the nation's adoption of a right standard in 
church musick.' But a change in church music has ever marked the progress of 
heresy in a church. Of that great heretic Paulus Samosatenus, Eusebius writes, 
that he ' countenanced such songs in the church as would make a man's hair stand 
staring on his head to hear.' It is enough to allude to the scandalous Thalia of 
Arius ; and the present number of this Keview shows that the recent body of 
German heretics are not in this respect behind their predecessors of all ages. 
What would Eusebius have thought of a cathedral chant like this ? 



CHANT, A.D. 1770. 



Battishill, of St. Paul's Cathedral. 




NO. LIU. N. s. 



130 English Ritual Music. 

the rule of his conduct; and in the daily services of Matins 
and Evensong, as they are still significantly named in the 
Prayer-Book, his Directory is a merefac-simile of the ancient 
Church song, in its simplest form. The only difficulty he 
could have had with quire developments was the reading to 
be adopted in the music to the ' Te Deum,' and this he gets over 
by a reference, one may reasonably imagine, to a copy of that 
published by Merbomius in 1652, and which is presumed to be 
the most ancient yet discovered. It passed through several 
impressions, and as a settlement of the ancient ritual song to 
vernacular purposes never was questioned ; of the morning and 
evening offices we retain every part to this day in all well-regu- 
lated cathedrals and collegiate churches, excepting such as the 
quire have taken from the priests and people by means of their 
' solemn composures and new harmony music,' and this change 
is easy to be accounted tor. The new mines of intellectual 
wealth which the invention of printing had laid open had been 
vigorously worked by the writers of harmony ; the Collec- 
tion by Peutinger, published in Augsburgh Io20, entitled 
* Liber Selectarum Cantionum quas vulgo Motetas appellant,' 
the Thesaurus of Glarean, published at Basle in 1547, which 
went through many editions, and the Florilegium, by Boden- 
schatz, ' (1603,) containing nearly 300 compositions, in parts, 
varying from four to ten, show the extraordinary activity of the 
harmony writers of the Reformed feeling : and of the labours of 
the Southern musicians, little need be said, as they are too 
familiar to particularize. This exhibition of skill in the re- 
sources of contrapuntal composition appeared in full force in the 
Eucharistical celebrations of the Latin Church, whilst in the 
English it Avas rather more prominently directed to the creation 
of a more artistical development of the Morning and Evening 
offices. Those who continued under Roman guidance retained 
the daily offices and Psalms, with their Ritual music in its 
simplest form, for the greater facility of a general cooperation by 
all the members of ecclesiastial foundations, and for the better 
apprehension of the people. In the English Church, the Com- 
. munion-office was not one of daily celebration; and the quire- 
men, feeling the necessity for a daily high celebration in quire 
foundations, constructed one upon the Morning and Evening 
offices. Thus originated first the ' varieties,' or mixtures of 
several Church chants set to the Canticles, and these were 
followed by certain ' solemn composures,' afterwards included 

1 In 1605, Bodenschatz published at Leipsic a ' Psalterium Daridis cum Can- 
ticis, Hymnis, et Orationibus Eccles. : 4 Vocibus composit ;' and, in 1608, the 
curious book, ' Hannonia Angelica Cantionum Eccles. oder Englische Freuden 
lieder und geistliche Kirchen Psalmen D. Lutheri und anderc, init 4 Stimmeu 
uomponirt.' 



English Ritual Music. 131 

in the generic term ' services.' As there was no 'variety' pub- 
lished until the reign of Elizabeth, it may be a question whether 
so long as the first form of Edward the Sixth's Communion- 
office was retained, any such aggregation of chants was permitted. 
At all events, no ' solemn composure' to any part of the Morning 
and Evening offices was published to the disadvantage of the 
ancient ritual song. 

Merbecke, in the selection of the tones, or tunes, for the 
Canticles and Psalms, chose the peculiar favourites of the 
English Church, those which our office-books show were ' the 
Common Tunes,' and best appreciated by the priests and people. 
The * Venite Exultemus' is set to the eighth tone, thus :' 



O come let us, &c. Lord Let us &c. Sal - va - - ti - on. 



3eEEE=EH3^E= 




This Psalm should have had the intonation prefixed to it, but 
the reason, probably, of its omission was, that ' the rest of the 
Psalms, as they be appointed,' were to be sung ' so forth.' In 
the Evening office, under the title ' Psalmes,' appears the same 
tone set to the first verse of the sixth Psalm, which is the open- 
ing Psalm for the evening of the first of the month. As Mer- 
becke gives no other example of a tone for the Psalms of the 
month, it is evident he considered the pointing of the new 
Psalter amply sufficient for a just adaptation of the Psalter 
phants of the ancient Church to the English version. And of 
this no reasonable man can doubt. But it must be remarked, 
that when Edward Low, the chapel-organist to Charles the 
Second, published the second edition of his Directorium in 
1664, he gives eight forms of tones for the ' Venite Exultemus,' 
and adds ibur more for the Psalms of the month, which he .says 
were ' formerly in use for the Psalms.' Respecting these, he 
says in the Preface, ' The tunes for the Psalms (as many as we 
' retain of them) are exactly the same that were in use in the time 
' of King Edward the Sixth. This I can aver from the .perusal 
' I had of an ancient copy, lent me by Dr. Jones, (the Sub-Dean 
' of the chapel,) printed in 1550.' It has been supposed that this 
work was the Directory of Merbecke, as Mr. Low declares also 
that it contained Versicles and Responses the same as his. 

1 We clothe them in harmony, in order to demonstrate to credulous or ill- 
informed persons, the power of Church harmony on the ancient cliaut. 

K 2 



132 



English Ritual Music. 



But Merbecke's Directory only afTords examples of six forms 
for all the Psalms and Canticles of the daily service ; it is, 
therefore, difficult to understand Low's expression, more espe- 
cially as he hints that, in his day, the full number of ' the tunes 
for the Psalms ' was not retained in use ; and yet he gives six 
more than Merbecke, who omits the well-known form of the 
first tone, so identified with the name of Tallis, and which Low 
gives in his 1661 edition, as the tune for the ' Venite'Exul- 
temus,' on week days. 

Merbecke's chant to the Benedictus we use the familiar term 
' Chant,' although no such word is recognised in our Office-books, 
or Director!* is as follows : 2 



_^l I 

-Hr^ O ^ -H^ 1 




I 
The MAGNIFICAT has the following : 




1 A modern writer on Church Music gives the following illustration as from 
Merbecke, but there is no such Chant in his Directory : 



it-mrr 1 L=b 




Let us heart -i - ly re-joice in the strength of our sal-va-tion. 



J If any of our readers wish to refer to the Gregorian forms, they will find them 
in the large folio, ' Psalmi secundum regulam S. Benedict!,' and in the Spanish 
In vitatorium forms, (large folio MSS.) both in the British Museum. 



English Ritual M u i V. 



133 



The NUNC DIMITTIS : 




The BKNEDICITE : 



The ATH AN ASIAN CREED: 




To the Apostles' Creed, Merberke assigns the monotone. The 
monotone is the clerk-tone the service of the parochial Song-tone 
in the English Church. Where there was no clerk, the priest 
was formerly directed *to say all things appointed for the clerk 
to sing,' in order that this unity of note might be preserved ; 
and hence it was that Bishop Bedell was accustomed to say the 
whole of the Psalms himself, in the character of precentor, which 
it would be well for some of our priests, in country parishes, to 
imitate. The Nicene Creed, Merbecke sets to the usual anti- 
phon, and the ' Te Deum' is as near as may be, from the most 
authentic copy known. 

Merbecke's ' Directorium Chori' is (as is, indeed, all other 
Directories, whether of Rome, Venice, Milan, Spain, or France,) 



134 



English Ritual Music* 



a manual of ferial rather than festival song. The Responses, 
Psalm, Canticle, and Hymn Songs, were given without har- 
mony ; and this practice was continued for nearly two centuries 
in the English Church on all the every-day services. But the 
High Churches, and Chapels Royal, would naturally have re- 
tained some sort of festival song ; and the peculiarity of the 
Reformed service, and its singular action on our ancient Church 
song consisted in the manufacture of a quasi festival song out of 
the ferial forms, by the addition of quire harmonies. Thus, for 
example, we find the irregular tone given to the Benedictus, by 
Causton, in Edward the Sixth's reign. The tune stands 





> ' \ 


| ] 


& n 


o L ~0> O~O 


cziS: 


l 










Bles - sed 



be the Lord God 



of 



Is - - ra - el, 







1 








[I 




f r 


1 i 


II 


u 




^ 




i i 


II 




cJ <_><_> 


* f ^ 




E? rrJl .L. 





For he hath vis - i - ted and re - deem-ed his peo - pie. 



This is the form known in England as ' a variety,' or as we 
should now term it ' a development,' and which Graffurius 
describes as a ' modulatio.' Causton's harmony is as follows : 
the chant in the tenor.* 






fcr* fc=^ 






J!-^' 0_ ^ 


1- 


~^3^ 


-Qr- 




_s^_j 



-^rWs--.^gfe^SP^^fe^^^tMl 





In this genuine specimen of Tudor chanting there" is neither 
chatter nor gabble. It is in the spirit and character of the 



English Ritual Music. 



135 



Catholic song, and similar to that retained by the Lutherans. 
For example, the Milan Manual commences the Benedictus 
thus: 




Be - ne - die - tus Do - mi - nus, De - us Is - ra - el. 

The DIRECTORIUM of Lossius in this manner : 




i 



Be - ne - die - tus Dominus, De - us Is - ra - el. 




qui - a vi - si - ta - vit et fecit Redemp- Pie - bis 

tionem. 

The English Version : 



$=*==. 











1 r *H 


r 


F -H- 1 














ed be the Lord God of Is - ra - el, 



-OH-0Z^t - 



tWdfc 



For he hath visited and re 



deem cd his peo - pie. 



Such are some few illustrations of the Canticle and Psalter 
music, proper for bishops, deans, and priests and people to sing 
in one common acclamation. And although a little out of 
chronological position, we quote a few ' Anglican,' ' Protestant,' 
and ' Cathedral' chants, by way of contrast: and which we are 
strongly recommended in some quarters to consider beautiful 
music, and of a more holy and devotional character than any 
class of music ever admitted into the sanctuary. We select 
them at random from the little periodical called ' The Parish 
Choir.' 




Dr. 

t~T -- n~ 



insui: " -- i ~T -- n~ 



Henry Parcel. 



English Ritual Music. 



John Farrant. 



ririrfliqt=t 



i 



Thomas Pnrcel. 



Heywood. 









Hr 



P 



Henry Pnrcel. 



Tomlinson. 



"o~rr 



i 



Weldon. 



Tr avers. 



Hindle. 









#0: 



1 1_ 

P-.I 



I 



Dr. Wm. Hayes. 



t 



English Ritual Music. 



137 



Aldrirh. 



z^qzsq I =^~ =p^_| z==iz!=:p=: - #z 
^=H= izo^Bp^r^tb^iiBz 

1 ' U 1 I I ' _ .18 





Lang don . 






'I 



1 



We firmly believe no other church in Christendom can 
disclose such a strange collection of musical absurdities in 
so short a compass. These sixteen chants are really such 
plagiaries one upon the other that they may nearly all b i 
sung together. What difference is there between No. 1 and 
No. 2 ? between No. 3 and 4? or, 5 and 6 ? or, 7 and 9, 10 
and 11? If there be any merit in any particular one, which 
composer is to lay claim to it ? Can any thing be more fright- 
ful than No. 7, by Henry Purcel ? We open Mr. Hullah's 
most objectionable Psalter: yes, here is one in page 76, 
ascribed to Mr. Battishill, of St. Paul's. 

BattishilL in G. 




The platitude of a modern ballad is a veritable inspiration in 
comparison. Would these Church musicians ever have been 
heard of, were it that their reputations were built on such slender 
inanities ? If the names of Blow and Purcel are to live by 
such perversities, the sooner they fade away from all good men's 
minds the better for Church psalmody. Is it to be wondered at 
that Handel held all these men in scorn : he who had been bred 
up in the atmosphere of real Church Music, and who had nursed 
the Directorium of Lossius as his musical horn-book ? Would 
not Mendelssohn hold in ridicule each and all of these * Pro- 
testant ' or ' Anglican ' excrescences ? And what priest is there 
of our true Catholic Church who dare hazard the singing of the 
dolefully merry song ascribed to Edward Purcel? Think of the 
Dean of Westminster commencing the strain; 



138 



English Ritual J 



P3M= 



=fl3lG# 



My soul doth magni - fy the Lord, And my spirit hath re- 

;=i: 



i I ______! I 




JO1C - 



- ed in 



God 



Sa - viour. 



And yet these things are permitted in Westminster Abbey. 
We should have sooner expected an invitation to luncheon with 
the Dean from a plesiosaurus, or dine off a megatherium, gar- 
nished with a rare fossil symbolizing a lettuce. We may jest; 
but the jest is accompanied with an under-feeling of the most 
profound melancholy. We have said it already, and we say it 
again, as an incontrovertible truth, as a maxim never to be out 
of the remembrance of the priesthood and quiremen, wherever 
the Ritual tones of the Church have been thrown aside as things 
of no price or value, the just but fearful result has been, that 
the celebrations have become unnatural, unscriptural, undevo- 
tional, and imcongregational, and, looking at the chants we have 
quoted, we may add, unartistical ; for truth and beauty are the 
fundus of all art, and there is neither one nor the other in such 
songs as these. But the Directoria of the Church make no 
mention of such things : one and all, from Cranmer to Playford, 
from 1544 to 1730, refuse to recognise them; and why they 
should be permitted is more than the most able casuist can 
support. Doubtless they grew up from the practice of harmonizing 
the plein, or congregational chant. We can trace them from such 
experiments as the following : 



First Tone in the Tenor. 



Thomas Tattis, 1570. 




English Ritual Music. 139 

Eighth Tone in the Tenor. Thomas Morley, 1590. 



-Or " HOH 



B-- U -I: 










First Tone in the Tenor. 



Adrian Batten, 1646. 



t I- r^fl 

MjcfcbEibjQd 



HH 






H^H 



t]t: 



->- 



HH 



- 



First Tone in the Tenor. 



Dr. Child, 1664. 




3S 



llal|-t-g| ^ 



^8H 



-r 



ch-IRi 



Eighth Tone in the Tenor. 



Dr. Child, 1664. 




E3E5E 



* ^> 




Eighth Tone io the Bass. 



Dr. CAtVrf, 1664. 



-- 



:C T 




140 English Ritual Music. 

First Tone in the Tenor. Said to be Tuliis, 1570. 




aoir 



The " Grand Chant," ascribed alike to Batten, Blow, Humphreys, 
Parcel, and othe s, 




May be traced from the Seventh Tone in the Alto Part. 

JH 111 ! 




As many of these tunes (so they are called in the Directoria) 
were harmonized for equal, or men's, voices, it was natural 
the plein song would lose in s line degree its distinct and pro- 
minent character ; and were the tenors absent, the song itself 
would not have been heard. The harmonies are by no means 
favourable specimens of the talents of the Tudor and Stuart com- 
posers, although none are so absurd as this, ascribed to Tallis : 




I I 



ri^T 



But there is not the slightest evidence that this clumsy harmony 
proceeded from the pen of Tallis, and if it did, we presume from 
the distance between the second and third parts, the plain song 



English Rit Lai Music. 



141 



on which it was formed has been omitted. It will run along 
with the Ambrosian 'TeDeum' thus: 



dzit: 



--n-e 






The sharp upon the final was a liberty allowed in harmonizing 
plein-songs. The new creation, called an Anglican Chant, would 
more naturally arise, however, from a variation of an ancient 
song. Thus the tune to Heath's * Venite,' in * Day's Church 
Harmony, 1560,' published in the 'Parish Choir' as an original 
chant by Heath, of the early date of 1560, is clearly a mere va- 
riation from an ancient one. 




The ancient form is thus : 

9 




1 " U 

The Chant ascribed to Dr. Blow is this 

~fcg| * 



e||p|Ei 



of which the ancient form is 

IEEE^^^^;^ 




iCETII 



fcr=m rqr" ""^^jblcT TT^ k ~ c j ~ ~H~ 

The following is the solitary chant by Dr. C. Gibbons : 

ljE^^^Z^^?B"-^^.^^p^E^p^ 




The Ancient Form : 

Mta 




The alleged Chant by Rii-tiard Farrant. 




142 English Tiitnal 

The Ancient Form : 



The publication of a second Directorium in the reign of Queen 
Elizabeth, for the use of the Quire, forms a most important era 
in the history of the harmonized music of the English Church. 
It appeared in 1560, under the title ' Certayne Kotes set forth 
' in three and four parts, to be sung at the Morning Communion, 
' and Evening Praier, very necessary for the Church of Christ, 
' to be frequented and used: and unto them be added divers Godly 
' Praiers and Psalms in the like forme to the honour and praise 
' of God.' It appeared again in 1565, as ' Morning and Evening 
' Prayer and Communion, set forth in 4 parts, to be song in 
' Churches, both for men and children, with divers other Godly 

* Praiers and Anthems, of sundry Men's doings.' This work 
divides into two parts, one as a Quire Manual, upon the ancient 
Ritual Song, and the other as an exhibition of that inferior kind 
of motet, or anthem, which was the offspring of the Psalm-tune 
fever. The Ritual music commences with the ' Venite,' so that 
we may conclude the preces and suffrages were sung in their 
ancient purity. Nor is there any new-fangled chant for * the 

* Psalter or Psalms of David, after the translation of the great 
' Bible, pointed as it shall be songe in Churches.' Of the 
Morning-office, the Venite, Te Deurn, and Benedictus, appear 
twice by Causton and once by Heath. The Ambrosian Te 
Deum forms the one by Heath, and thus opens : 




The earliest harmony on this venerable song, is that of Sir 
Thomas Packe, in the reign of Henry the Seventh, for three 
voices, the words being in Latin and English. It is found among 
the Harleian Manuscripts, in a volume of Harmonized Music, by 
Mundye, Johnson, Heath, Aston, More and others. 1 The first 
Te Deum by Causton is on the plein-song, 

1 Among these MSS. is a rare collection in four vols. of the Royal Chapel music, 
' set for four voices for each day of the week,' and which is impressed on the covers 
with the arms of King Henry and Catherine of Arragon. 



English Hitual Music. 



143 




tMf 



Of the Evening-office there is only the Magnificat and Nunc 
Dimittis* The Communion-office music is formed of the 
Kyrie Eleison, Creed, Offertorium, Sanctus, and Gloria. The 
first Kyrie is a beautiful ' variety ' on the seventh tone, 



^J 1 ' ^1 ' "II I ' ~r~~ ' r ~ 

** f V ,^:l~~ro~H~^~l~^;l~o ^ 




Lord have mer - cy up- on 



and in-clineour hearts to keep this law. 



The Letanie is nicely harmonized in the sixth tone by Causton. 
The Communion-office music is in the same school. The anthem 
music is curious for its medley of words, and for its harmonical 
structure. As it was the custom to sing two anthems in each 
service, the Quiremen ransacked all kinds of publications for 
words, and * the godly praiers ' which were invented seem 
almost innumerable. Although our revisers had cut away 
the ancient Hymns of the Church, the quiremen would not 
resign them, and the ' Hymns of the Chapel Royal,' in use from 
1558 to 1668, would form a curious and amusing volume. For 
instance, the following Anthems by Mundye and others : 



4 The secret sins that hidden lye 
Within my pensive heart.' (Mundye.) 

' Ah ! helpless wretch what shall I do, 
Or which way shall I go or run ?' (Mundye.) 

' Lord, to Thee I make my moan!' (Weelkes.) 
' In Bethlehem Town, O happy Town! ' (Batten.) 

' Behold, O God, the sad and heavy case 
Wherein we stand as simple sheep forlorn ! ' (Byrde.) 

' The twelve Apostles in a ring 
Sat round the Table with their King.' (Cook.) 

' Hearken, O God, unto a wretch's cries, 
Who low, dejected, at thy footstool lies.' 

(Dr. Henry King, Bishop of ChichpsU.-r.) 

' The simple sheep that went astray, 
Good Lord, call home again.' (Tallis.) 

' O all true British hearts, with one accord, 
United in one head sing to the Lord.' 



144 English Ritual Music. 

A Christmas anthem by Ford is curiously absurd, 

' Look shepherds, look! why? where? 

See you not yonder? There! 
' Angel loquitur.' 

' Post to Bethlehem post about ; 
Post and find this infant out.' 

Some are from the ' Handful of Honeysuckles,' by Hunnis ; 
and this erotic language of the Amiens and Wesley hymns 
was prototyped in expressions like these, 

' O Jesu meek O Jesu sweet.' 

1 O Jesu sweet, grant that thy grace.' 

' O Jesu dear, do Thou with me.' 

O Jesu meek, grant that I may.' 

1 O Jesu mild, Thine ear bow down ;' 

and an anthem by Tomkins is set to the madrigalian dittie, 

' Above the stars my Saviour dwells, 
I love I care for nothing else ; 
There there he sits and fits a place, 
For the glorious heirs of grace. 
Dear Saviour ! raise my duller eye, 
Let me but see thy beams divine; 
Ravish my soul with wonder and desire, 
Ere I enjoy let me thy joys admire; 

And wondering let me say, 

Come Lord Jesu come, away ! ' 

"We have selected these lines from the curious folio con- 
taining * Words of Anthems by English Composers, sung in 
* the Chapel Royal, from the time of Hen. VIII. until the close 
' of the 17th century.' 1 We often hear the argument the 
Protestant Chant is ' a great fact' in the Anglican Church, and 
cannot be gainsayed: the Hymn Anthem is, if possible, a greater, 
and is supported by the authorities of kings, queens, bishops, 
doctors, and numerous great lights of the Church ; but are we 
on this account to return to the burden, 

' Post to Bethlehem, post about, 
Post and find this infant out,' 

and sing the melancholy rhymes above quoted ? 

The Anthems in Day's Directory demonstrate clearly, that 
there were two styles of composition adopted by Tallis, Mundye, 
Johnson, White, Byrde, and the great Tudor composers. Com- 
paring their compositions in that work with the first publications 
of Palestrina, 2 the difference in an artistical view is immeasurable. 
The breadth of phrase, the purity of harmony, the facility in 

1 Many are given in Clifford, 1664. 

1 ' Motecta Festorum totius anni,' 1563. ' J. P. A. Prerestini missarum liber 
secundus,' 1567. ' Liber primus Motettoruin,' 1569. 



English Ritual Music. 145 

texture, the variety in cadence, all show, on the part of the 
Roman composer, a power and depth of poetical and aesthetical 
feeling, for which he was neve^r at any loss to give expression in 
artistical symbols. We find, however, many of the same features 
in the ' In Nomines,' ' Misereres,' ' Kyries,' and * Cantiones,' 
of his English contemporaries. 1 But these things were written 
for the Latin Church, not for the Puritans of Edward and 
Elizabeth, and the only opportunity for a Tudor artist to give 
scope to his imagination, was in the composition of the madrigal, 
or a Latin motet. The dull uniformity of the octo-syllabic 
psalm with its Pavan kind of melody, had blighted the spring 
of Church harmony, and although the early metrical psalm 
counterpoints exhibit much ingenuity, the * note to a syllable' 
order of composition was a death-blow to all fine and grand 
writing. Now and then, such as in the splendid anthem for two 
quires, * O ! praise the Lord,' of Robert White, we see aij 
escape from the trammels of the Protestant school, a school' 
which, at a later period, Dr. Orlando Gibbons extinguished, by 
his happy imitations of his continental contemporaries. 

The next printed work to Day's, as a Directory for Church 
Music, was the 'Church Music,' by John Barnard, a minor 
canon of St. Paul's. In this work, consisting of ten volumes, 
we notice the first mention of the term * service,' as applied to 
the quire harmony of the Matin and Even-song offices. The 
high service of the Communion-office the only celebration to 
which the term ' Service,' as strictly synonymous with * Liturgy,' 
in its true Sacrificial sense, can apply, had fallen and passed 
away ; the Dignitaries of the Ecclesiastical Corporation natu- 
rally declined to yield its celebration to the Quire, this service 
being, according to ancient practice, one peculiarly requiring 
their cooperation. But as the Dignitaries neglected to study the 
Ritual Song, the Communion-office soon became remarkable 
for a plain parochial use, that of the monotone, and the Quire 
left it solely to Priests, who knew nothing of the songs of 
their Church. But the higher forms of Church Song remained, 
and the modern Cathedral service of a morning and evening 
Prayer supplied the place of a noble artistical celebration 
of the Eucharistal office. The quire had undertaken the 
entire celebration of the people's ritual music, with the ex- 

1 Compare the ' Civitas sancti tui ' of William Byrde, commonly known as ' Bow 
thine ear,' ' Aspice Domine,' and the other five-voiced motets of this composer, 
written for the Church in Queen Mary's reign, with the Anthems and Godly 
Praiers in Day's ' Quire Manual,' of 1560. See also the motets by Tallis, 
' Miserere nostri," ' sacrum convivium,' ' Salvator mundi,' and others ; the 
4 Aspice Domine' of Peter Phillips, 'Miserere' and Ascendo' of Tye, ' Ave lumen 
gratise' of Fayrfar, ' Esurientea' of Shephard, and others of the first Tudor epoch. 

NO. LIII. N.9. L 



146 English Ritual Music. 

ception of the Confession, 1 the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' 
Creed, and the Psalter. The people, to use Mr. Jebb's 
expression, were * vocally represented ' (in the teeth of the 
rubrics) by the quire ; the Ritual Song of the preces and suf- 
frages, and versicles, were * set to music ;' the capitulars who 

* ought,' says Mr. Jebb, ' to celebrate, in the ecclesiastical tone, 

* the greater part of morning and evening service,' were naturally 
confounded with the new forms, and shut up their lips. The 
congregation, as a great favour, were permitted ' to join with 

* their lips in a whisper or subdued chant,' (Mr. Jebb,) as their 
' inharmonious crash' was * unnecessary' ! Mr. Bennett is not 
so unkind ; he thinks ' the congregation not mere lookers-on as 
in the Latin Church,' and that the duty of the quire is to lead, 
and that of the people to sing in 'an undersong'! These 
theories are decidedly pretty, and of a soft and gentle aspect; but 
they happen not to be Rubrical, and also impossible to put into 
practice. The people cannot do more than the priests, and we 
need not be told that the priests cannot sing a Ritual office if 
children are to lead them with an artistical harmony. There 
can be only one song for priests and people ; this in modern days is 
given to children, and, to realize the theory of Mr. Jebb and 
Mr. Bennett, we must witness the children of the quire in 
cathedrals singing for the dean and chapter in the daily offices, 
and the parochial schools in parish churches, guiding and directing 
the rector and his curates. But the English clergy refuse this 
manner of teaching, and it is not to be wondered at that the 
people follow their example. Every incumbent is the precentor 
of his parish the clerk or clerks respond, and lead the respond- 
ents: if the priest precent, it must be the cantus the plein song 
that he delivers, as is required in cathedrals, and where that 
cantus has been deposed for boy tunes and Anglican Chants, he 
is silent. Example is stronger than precept ; and although the 
people are told to sing ' to the praise and glory of God,' they 
no more do so than do their priests. Thus the service becomes 
one of deputy celebration, in all parts of musical expression. 

Although Barnard's work offers a bad example in the harmonies 
to the preces and versicles, the handiwork of Tallis, Byrde, 
and Gibbons, it is valuable as showing that the Church retained 
the ancient songs to the Psalms ; for there is no shadow of an 
Anglican chant throughout the ten volumes. And the evidence 
of Ivavenscroft is directly in favour of their continuance. The 

1 Mr. Jebb recommends a Quire harmony to the Confession, this last relic of a 
people's church service! The whole of his arguments on Church Music are based on 
' a Choral mode,' forgetting the part which the people ought to take in the public 
office. Mr. Bennett falls into the same error, and the services at St. Paul's, 
Knightsbridge, are, in this respect, as unchurchlike, though of course not so 
offensive, as the Gallery Quire manifestations of the Foundling Chapel. 



English Ritual Music* 147 

* Musicall and Evangelicall' Psalter of this composer was pub- 
lished first in 1621, and re-issued in 1633. In the preface 1 he 
says, ' the Psalms, Responses and Anthems, usually sung in the 
Church in prose,' are sung ' in the playne song ;' and the playne 
song he describes as the sing-tceise, or phonascus of the Ritual- 
song. The 'phonaskes' he declares is the f tenor part of the 
playne song,' and is divided into the three kinds of ' Gregorian, 
Ambrosian, and Peregrine.' The testimony of Bachelor 
Ravenscroft that the phonascus was used in his day to the singing 
of the prose Psalms, throws more than a suspicion on the chant- 
ballad tunes ascribed to the Tudor writers. 

We may also mention the name of Thomas Morley, the theo- 
rist, in corroboration. In the ' Plaine and Easy Introduction to 
' Practical Musicke ' he says, ' churchmen have devised certain 
' notes commonly called the Eight Tunes, 2 of which the tenor be 
' the playne song. Here they be.' Then follow the eight 
chants, in equal notes, and in a four-part harmony. The seventh 
tone ends in the minor, but the fourth, instead of closing, 



terminates in this manner, for the sake of the harmony : 



Nor does Dr. Dowland omit the subject of the Church Songs 
in his translation of the ' Theory of Ornithoparcus,' published in 
1 609. After referring to the works of Guido, Joannes Pontifex, 
Barnard, Gregory, Berno the Abbot, John Tinctor, and quoting 
the rules of Michael Galliculo de Muris, he says, * respecting 



1 We much regret Mr. Havergal should have omitted the preface in his beautiful 
and otherwise accurate reprint of this work (1845). He is an excellent musician of 
the Neapolitan school, but we have no sympathy with his approval of the vulgar 
melodies that ousted our SarumHymnarium. The ' Tunes Evangelicall' are infinitely 
beneath our own noble Songs to the Hour and Festival Hymns, and are far below 
even those of Veise and Luther. We regret to have found this really clever musician 
adding ' One Hundred Antiphonal Chants ' to a Church which has ever possessed 
an authoritative Psalmody, and which has never sought ' man's wisdom to provide 
it for her.' And had she been so deserted, the Durante School of MF. Havergal, that 
of tonal harmony upon two scales,and a system of melody unknown to the ancient 
Church musicians, is but a poor and unsatisfactory substitute for the gorgeous 
variety and sublime uncertainties of a wider and more wondrous mechanism. 

2 The usual designation was ' the Church Tunes,' although this term became 
applied to the Metre Psalm Tunes. Alison in his Psalter (1599) styles the Metre 
Pualm Tune ' the Common Tune.' ' The Playne Song,' he says, ' is the Common 
Tune to be sung.' 

L 2 



148 English Ritual Music. 

' the true manner of singing the Psalms, there is such diversity, 

* that every one has his own fashion of singing. Neither do 
' they observe the statutes and precepts of their forefathers ; 
' there is such dissension grown up in the Church, such discord 
' and confusion, that scarce two sing after one manner. This 
' doth Pontifex, in his 22d chapter, very much reprehend, and 

* surely with good reason.' 

Thomas Mace, one of the Clerks of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge, who was born in 161 3, and published his ' Music's Monu- 
ment,' in 1676, ascribes the defects of Church Psalmody to 
' the thinness of the Quires, thro' the paucity of Clerks and 
4 the disability and insufficiency of most of the Clerks, very few 

* of whom are Masters of Song, much less of the art of music 

* generally.' 1 

Barnard gives examples of a high order of Psalmody, a har- 
monised * variety' upon certain passages from the Psalms, which 
are found in MS. also in the Lambeth Library ; and which, in 
the absence of all other evidence, we are content to take as the 
true style of Tudor and Stuart chanting ; and a noble and 
magnificent declamation it is. 

As the MS. in the Lambeth Library contains only the bass 
part, we can give no specimen of plein chant from that collec- 
tion. The same remark applies to those in Barnard's Church 
music, the only known perfect copy of which is said to be in the 
Royal Library at Berlin. But as the tenor part is among those 
deposited in the Library of the Dean and Chapter, Hereford, 
we make one extract, but which we are compelled to give with- 
out the harmony : 

The seventh tone appears in Barnard thus : 



[j 


-L 


&- j-f 1 






- 




-* Q| 


-1 


- 



My soul cleav - - eth to the dust ; 




word. 



It would be very difficult to trace any resemblance of the 
' Anglican chant' in this example of the Psalter music of the 

1 ' I have known,' says Mace, ' a reverend Dean egregiously baffled by a Clerk, 
who was more ignorant than a boy might be who had learned only one month. 
This Dean reproved this bold, confident dunce of a Clerk, by reason of his great 
Juristical insufficiency; when the Clerk, with a stern and angry countenance, and 
with a vehement rattling voice, made the church ring, saying, " Sir-r-r-r, I'd have 
you to know I sing after the rate of so much wages a-year ; and except ye mend 
them, I am resolved never to sing any better as long as I live." ' 



English Ritual Music. 149 

Caroline epoch. It is no part of our intention to notice the 
anthem music in Barnard's book, of which we may remark, that it 
formed one great link in the revival of Church practices conse- 
quent on the exertions of the great Archbishop Laud. He is 
noticed in connexion with the curious broad-sheet, published in 
1641, entitled 'The Organ's Echo to the Tune of the Cathedral 
Service,' and which commences 

1 Memento mori I'll tell you a strange story, 
Will make you all sorry, For our old friend William, 

Alas, poor William ! 

Some say he was in hope, To bring England again to the Pope, 
But now he's in danger of an axe or a rope; Farewell old Canterbury, 

Alas, poor Canterbury ! 

There's another of the same litter, Whose heart eannot but twitter, 
He was against all goodness so bitter; 'Twas the Bishop of Ely, 1 

Alas, poor Ely ! 

Deans and Chapters with their retinue, Are not like long to continue, 
They have so abused their great revenue, That down must come ceremony, 

Alas ! Popish Ceremonies !" 

The Prayer-book was a much dreaded book during the Great 
Rebellion. 'By daily familiarity and reading of this Book of Com- 
' mon Prayer,' says the writer of ' A Search after God's wrath,' 2 
' so corrupted and transformed by bishops, we abate and cool in 
' our devotion, cast water upon our zeal, quench the Spirit, 
'practise a standard temptation, prove a sad occasion to the 
' godly, build up that we have destroyed, and intangle ourselves 
* again in the yoke of bondage I 1 

The Restoration was the occasion of the issuing of two Direc- 
tories containing the Ritual song. The one was by the Rev. 
James Clifford, a minor canon of St. Paul's, which was pub- 
lished in 1663 ; and the other was by Edward Low, the chapel 
organist, issued respectively in 1661 and 1664. Both publications 
are interesting, but that by the priest particularly so. He inscribes 
his work to Dr. Walter Jones, the sub -dean of the Chapel, and 
the imprimatur is that of Bishop Hall. To the Sub-dean he says, 
'You have the supreme mastery in religious music, by which 
' you charm the soul and all its affections ; for higher works 
' God hath fitted and prepared your most artful hand, and hath 
'placed you in an orb from whence your melody (as of the 
' spheres) of holiness and constant goodness, in and for the 
' Church, is universally heard with joy and delight.' In his 
preface he states, ' That I may inform and direct all other quires 
' that are remote, with the exact and uniform performance ( ! ) 
' both at His Majesty's Chapel Royal and at (the mother of all 
" f Cathedrals) St. Paul's, in London, I have here inserted all the 

1 The loyal and learned Matthew Wren. 

3 Search after God's Wrath on Cathedrals. 4to. London, 1644. 



150 



English Ritual Music. 



c tunes [tones] now in use with us in all parts of the service : namely, 

* The Venite, Te Deum, Benedicite, Benedictus, Jubilate, Mag- 

* nificat, Cantate Domino, Nunc dimittis, Misereatur, (when more 

* solemn composures 1 are not used,) and also in the Psalms for the 
' month, and lor the Quicunque Vult upon its proper days. Thus I 

* hope in some measure to encourage the studious, inform the igno- 

* rant, and abate the malice of the foul detractor, when he shall see 
' we make use of nothing in God's worship that we are either 
' afrai'd or ashamed to publish.' Mr. Clifford seems not to have 
known of any such word as ' chant,' much less of any such term as 
' an Anglican chant.' His Psalm songs he calls by the good old 
termody of 'the common tunes,' and his 'common tunes' are the 
tones of all Christendom, the holy songs of the Catholic Church. 
He says 'the reader is to observe that although "the ordinary 
' tunes" are done in notes, yet they are not intended to signify 
' any exact lime? And he is further cautioned to observe ' that 
' the minim or semibreve are only put where the syllables are to 

* be sung slower, and more emphatically than the rest.' For 
example : 



O come let us sing [un - to the Lord, Let us heart - i- 




ly re - joice in the strength of our 3al - va - ti - on. 
The Psalter Songs are as follows : 




' * ' Solemn,' in the sense of High or Festival ; and ' Composures,' as contra-distin- 
guished from the specimens of harmonized Ritual Songs which he gives in his 
work. 



English -Ritual Music. 



151 



I I i _ n _ 

- ----^ - 










We have heard lately of ' Dr. Hook 1 and the Anglican chant,' 
of l The duty of learning to sing,' and to sing the uncalled-for 
interpolation of ' a Protestant chant,' but why any Dean or any 
Canon of a Cathedral should permit any other chant than those 
which were in the Church at the time of the reformed epoch, 
and which were restored to us again under such authority as 
Bishop Hall and Dr. Walter Jones, is more than we can reduce to 
reason. Does not Mr. Clifford plainly asseverate his list con- 
tains all that were in use, all that he was ' neither afraid nor 
ashamed to publish?' Neither are they in measure, a fact 



1 We have noticed at Leeds that Dr. Hook takes no share in the ' Anglican 
Chants,' Nor can his congregation. It is a Choir servico, not a Congregational one. 



152 



E-nglish Ritual Music. 



he most particularly points out and guards against, neither are 
they in harmony, but he adds four of them in harmony for 
' solemn occasions,' which he terms Mr. Adrian Batten's Tune 
(not chant) ; Christchurch Tune ; Canterbury Tune ; and, The 
Imperial Tune. 

But we are told, ' the present style of Church composition is 

* at once so solemn, grand, and elevated ;' and as a specimen 
of the new style we are presented with this ' phrase, or motivo, 

* taken from one of Spohr's compositions, and arranged by 

* Mr. Turle of Westminster Abbey, for the Psalms of the 13th 
' day of the month.' 

Louis SPOHR, 1840.. 












= 



It is to be regretted that Mr. Turle can find leisure for such 
perpetrations. The English Church needs no new Ritual 
music ; and with respect to this chant, we can truly affirm Dr. 
Spohr would say, ' I never wrote it ;' and what is more, he would 
object to have his name, so justly celebrated, in connexion with 
a Psalter chant ; for he, of all men, well knows he can never 
equal the weakest of the Church songs. To Mr. Turle he 
would surely remark, ' Has your Church no Ritual music, no 
* Psalterium, that you should transmute my thoughts into such 
' an harlequinade ?' How poor and contemptible is this modern 
changeling compared with a genuine Psalm tone : 

My soul doth mag - ni - fy the Lord : 







* 



And my spirit hath re - joic - ed 



God my 



Sa - viour. 






^ 









English Ritual Music. 



153 



c It is well known,' says Mr. Hullah, in that farrago of 
absurdity, the preface to his Psalter, 'that the chant in the 
' English Church has, for several centuries, maintained a definite 
' form of two short phrases ; the one usually divided into three, 
' the other four bars ; and that to these all verses, of whatever 
' length, are adapted.' How can this be true ? Merbecke, 
Day, Morley, Ravenscroft, Barnard, and Clifford, all prove the 
contrary. This gentleman, in order 'to trace a style of har- 
monization suited to the character and construction of our 
Psalm songs,' went on ' a visit to Paris ! ! ' The result is, 
beyond measure, formidable. Mr. Hullah has found out that the 
lovely and imperishable Psalm song, the sixth tone of the Church, 
in order that it may not be 'totally devoid of that peculiar 
accent so happily fitted to the genius of the English language,' 
that it may not be 'new and strange to Protestant ears !' and 
lastly, that ' it may not betray its Roman origin ! ! ' should be 
printed thus 

MR. HXJLLAH'S Gregorian Chant. 



m 



m 



g 



3T 



-E^-J- 



We recollect a Royal Chapel anthem of Lawes, beginning 
with the words 

' His angels shall direct his legs ;' 

being a metrical version of the text ' He shall give his angels 
' charge concerning thee ; and in their hands they shall bear 
' thee up, lest at any time thou dash thy foot against a stone.' 
Mr. Hullah is of a kindred spirit with the poet, and quite as 
successful in turning sublime and beautiful images into ridiculous 
and stupid ones. It is well for him that he did not flourish in 
the days of Bishop Hall and Dr. Walter Jones ; for no bishop, 
with the slightest knowledge of our Ritual music, would have 
given Mr. Hullah an ' imprimatur ' to so much absurdity as is 
contained in his Psalter. He is, as he says, an advocate ' for 
the employment of high art in the service of religion.' So are 
we ; but we want our people's songs for the people's voice, and 
not ' the high art ' of Flintoft and Fussell, Hindle and Hawkins, 
Beckwith and Woodward, Randall and Robinson, Felton and 



154 



English Ritual Music. 



Marsh, all of whom were utterly ignorant of Church music, and 
unacquainted with every principle of high art in musical com- 
position. 

~ But the directory of Edward Low, organist of the Chapel 
Royal, offers another proof that our Ritual music was held in 
its proper estimation, and that the Anglican or Protestant chant 
was then unknown. The first edition was printed at Oxford 
in 1661, under the title * Directions for the performance of 

* Cathedral Service, published for the information of such persons 

* as are ignorant of it, and shall be called to officiate in Cathedral 
' or Collegiate Churches, where it hath formerly been in use.' 
After giving the ancient tones of the pieces without harmony, 
he gives the tones for the Venite, one for the week day, 



3 



the other for Sundays and holy- days 




The notes,' he says, * signify no exact measure.' 

He adds the Christchurch tune, (first tone, fourth ending,) 
the Canterbury tune ;' 




=3|l-fi-||C-i||- 



and the eighth tone, in a harmony of four parts, for the Canticles. 
The second edition contains a great addition of the ancient Psalm 
songs, of which he gives thirteen forms without harmony, and 
four with. He directs ' the Psalms for the day to be sung (for 
sides) to either of the tunes.' The notes ' signify no exact 

* time ; the breves are where the syllables are to be sung slower 
' than the other.' The Te Deum is to be sung as ' set in variety 
' by Tallis, Bird, and others, or else to one of the tunes in four 

* parts.' At Salisbury, he says, the Athanasian creed was 
always sung to the seventh tone, and the 137th Psalm to the 
Peregrine. The eighth tone, with Dr. Child's harmony, was 
at Windsor always sung to the Te Deum on ferial days, but 
on * solemn days ' it was used to the Psalms. The book is also 
inscribed to Dr. Walter Jones ; and in the preface he writes, 



English Ritual Music. 



155 



' It hath been convenient to revive the general practice of the 
' ordinary performance of Cathedral service. To this end a 
' person (meaning himself) is willingly employed who hath seen, 

* understood, and bore a part in the same from his childhood. 
' He hath published the ordinary (ferial) and extraordinary 
' (festival) parts, both for the priest and the whole quire.' Of 
the hymn and canticle music he observes, * The four-part 
' tunes are to serve only so long till quires are more learnedly 

* musical.' 

Having quoted the chants from Clifford we forbear from 
further extracts from Low, as the tones appear in his publication 
in a form almost identical. 

The Directory of John Playford is found in his ' Introduction 
to the skill of Music' which was first published in 1655, and 
again and again reprinted up to 1730. We take the edition of 
1724, printed in the time of Dr. Croft. His Psalter chants are 
these : 

Sunday. 



s 



Monday. 




Thursday. 




m* 



Friday. 






:ti=ii: 



Saturday. 



fy iioir 


=^ 


3E 


=n^ft= 


- licslr o CT g' 


-cM- 


^==11 



"156 English Ritual Music. 

The Te Deura' he directs the Priest to begin in the Am- 
brosian tone thus : 



We praise thee, God. 

This Hymn is ' set in four parts for sides by several author?, 

* but sometimes it is sung to one of the following tunes in four 

* parts, with the organ or without it.' So also with the Bene- 
dictus and Jubilate. Then follow the plein chants in harmony, 
called * Canterbury Tune,' * Imperial Tune,' &c. 

Such is the accumulated testimony for the rule of conformity 
in the English Church with the Catholic tones of Christendom, 
in all places where the Office-books are celebrated in song. We 
find that the English Church commenced a purification of the 
Ritual music in 1550, thirty years before the same labour was 
performed at Rome, and that it was no less a work of authority 
than that of Rome. The diversities of the Latin Church were 
restrained by the publications of Guidetti, who was occupied ten 
years in this necessary but delightful task. His edition of the 
Ritual Music is comprised in four volumes, the first entitled, 

' Directorium Chori ad Usum Sacro-Sanctae Basilicae Vaticanae et alia- 
rum Cathedralium et Collegiatarum Ecclesiarum collectum,' &c. 1582. 

In 1586 this was followed by the 

' Cantus Ecclesiasticus Passionis, D. N. J. Chr : Secundum Matthseum, 
Marcum, Lucam et Joannem,' &c. 

In 1587 was issued the 

1 Cantus Ecclesiasticus Officii majoris hebdomadae juxta Ritum Capellae, 
S.S. D.D. U.U. Papas ac Basilicae Vaticanae, Collectus et Emendatus a 
Joanne Guidetto Bononiensi.' 

And in 1588 he sent fortbihis last volume under the title, 

' Praefationes in Cantu firmo juxta Ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesias 
emendatae et nunc primum in lucem Editae a Joanne Guidetto Bono- 
niensi, '&c. 

In these works, he was assisted by the great Palestrina, 
f Joannes Petrus Aloysius Praenestinus me in earn opinionem 

* adduxit, utcredam librum hunc pro emendatissimo atque abso- 

* lutissimo in hoc genere haberi posse.' But there was no new 
song; it would have been a heresy, a schism, for even the 
great and mighty genius of Palestrina to have added what could 
only be considered a ' purpureus pannus,' on the prescriptive 
purity of the Ritual Song. 

But we cannot conceal the fact that the Psalm tones of the 
Church have, for the last century, been generally laid aside, 



English Ritual Music. 



157 



although a remarkable return has been made within these few 
years. We need hardly allude to Mr. Dyce's well-known 
volume, with its learned and interesting Prefaces, as among the 
chief means of bringing about this revival. They had been 
superseded by a tune of anybody's composing, but always 
written in the same shape ; namely, a song of seven bars, if 
single, divided into two parts at the close of the third, and 
fourteen, if double, divided at the third, seventh, and tenth 
bars. Thus : ' 

Fir si Strain. 



1 






Second Strain. 



7n 


j-g ^ 


""I ^ 






\ h^r 


d PI 


K; 


4K 




1 1 




^ 


d 1 


* J.i 


~~ ^^ 


j 


First Strain. 


JOHN DAVY, 1815. 

i 1 1 r- , 


-jf^J-S * ' ' 


M~^1 






vZ> ,- 




r ,j j j 





-(if}) J 


1 M=H 








B 




_ 


Serimd Strain. 
ft-Q-^TL 1 r^ 1 n 1 


t 

+ i i i 


V **4] 

atz 


-g 


z^_i_ 


E3 




^* c 


PT 







This composition is termed the Protestant, or Anglican 
Chant, and is sung in harmony. For example : 

DR. GAUNTLETT, 1830. 



3 



3 



2* 



C5 



^^ 


1 '"TT" 


TT" 




| j j ! 


| J J 


41 


tf e 


^ d . 


o 


ttb " 


-rW-| 


J J | 


- C> ii 


^ 


| 




1 p 


1 1 


^ 









\ J 


^ x 


1 1 1 


-P-| 1 ' 





1 The first example is ' a Plain Song ' from Mr. Hullah's Psalter, composed by 
Battishill. J 



158 English Ritual Music. 

Now, in these chants, we find the great rule for conformity 
altogether deposed. There is no agreement as to the reciting note ; 
it may be E above or E below, G or F, as in the second chant. 
It may be A or D, as in the third. The point of unity, the 
declamation tone, becomes like a dissolving view, fading into a 
series of changes. This of itself is destruction to a congrega- 
tional service. Who is it, if he can chant upon E in alto, 
can fall the octave, and chant equally well eight notes lower? 
The first chant is a perfect absurdity, for no priest in England 
could sing a psalm upon it. The third is less disagreeable, 
because, out of the four reciting points, three are upon the A, 
which is, perhaps, the identical point of unity adopted for cen- 
turies in the Catholic Church. But then the reciting note is 
in harmony, and hence certain confusion. What chance has the 
congregation of hearing an alto singer in his head voice gabbling 
upon some under-note in a psalm song ? None whatever. Let 
any of our readers attend the next service at St. Paul's, and 
judge for himself. 1 But we hear Mr. Hullah say, * But if you 

give up harmony, what is to become of " high art" in the 
hurch ?' High art in a psalm song ! Who ever heard of such 
a thing ? This gentleman thinks there can be no art unless 
wrapped up in the twaddle of a four-part harmony. Can there 
be no art in a single-voiced phrase ? What the Church wants 
in a psalin song is a point of unity to declaim upon, and a 
development which shall breathe so much of expression as shall 
adapt itself with propriety to the words, and at the same time 
fall within the compass and capabilities of the great congrega- 
tion. The Church has done all this ; she has exhausted the 
varieties of a chant gamut, and exhibited every possible shade 
of feeling and expression. Hence it is that all reuUy great 
musicians forbear the construction of new chants. They cannot 
construct new chants without creating new mechanism; and 
they well know if they do, although they may tickle the ear, 
they will close the mouth of the worshipper. 

But let us examine the historical question. When did 
the Church gain this seven bars of variety, and who 
commenced the change? Not the great English musicians. 
There is no chant by White, Shepherd, Johnstone, Brimle, 
Southerton, Hake, Damon, Mundye, Parsons, Tye, Alison, 
Blancks, Wilbye, Weelkes, Bull, Phillips, Kirbye, Bennett, 
Tomkins, Stonard, Cosyn, Cobbold, Ford, Bevan, Edwards, 
Child, Lock, Ellis, Batten, Barnard, Pierson, Wilson, Gibbons, 
Cooper, Rogers, Aston, Warwick, Arthur Phillips, Colman, 

1 Even in the small chapel of St. George's, Windsor, it is quite impossible to 
hear the recitation with any comfort or intelligence. 



English Ritual Music. 



159 



Este, Lugg, Oxford, Amner, Bishop, Bryan, Church, Clarke, 
Chreyghton, Dowland, Farmer, Farnaby, Hooper, Ravenscroft, 
and some fifty or a hundred others. If there were a new 
chant determined upon, would not those meddling Puritans, 
Whytingham and Cartwright, have taken care it should have 
appeared by authority; and would not the popular writers, 
Damon, Este, Cosyn, Tallis, Ravenscroft, and Playford have 
taken steps to send out a variety of specimens ? How many 
chants are there alleged to have been written between 1550 
and 1600? There are none to be found in any library in 
England.^ Dr. Rimbault, who professes to have collected 'a 
volume of chants by the most eminent church musicians of the 
last three centuries,' favours us with four names only Thomas 
Tallis, Richard Farrant, John Farrant, and William Byrde; 
but where they come from, in what particular MSS., and how 
they have been identified, we are not informed. But we will 
let them speak for themselves. 



I. RICHARD FARRANT, died 1580. 







III. JOHN FARRAXT, died 1598. 







o I jj J 






-at 



31 



-< y 



1 



160 



English Ritual Music. 



IV. THOMAS TALLIS, died 1585. 



o II o 



-&- 



S-H * > \ ^ | T 



I 



m 



-- 



V. THOMAS TALLIS. 



X S 


J if 




<- II a 




^J 




(22) 


4- II 


f(t\ T f > 


M ff c 3 




II 










3f* } 1 


HZ 


J *r-. 




1L 11 f-, 


C J 








fr II 


/ C_J 


o < - 




1 


f * 


1 




fc_> 


-^ 


r 1 ' ^f ri 


f-J 




<~l II tj 




^ 




(2> 


r~> II 


EZZjffi H 


r"3 f ] 




< > 










1 


if 2 


3 c > 




r^ II 








*^-" - 


II 



VI. THOMAS TALLIS. 



A a 








11 c-> 


-m. 










ffT) s <J 










("> 11 






n 










1 


^ 






S^ II , 








-i. C ^ 








Q 




1 


I 1 " 1 ! o^ 
<-> . 


T * ^f -* 




B< 


> 






a 






II 


^f f * **, J/ 










f 


J 






i <r^) 




( > 


II 


TL 
















( 








II 




















O tl 


VIF. WILLIAM 


BYRDE, died 1623. 






r Iff *^ IL'' 








r^ II r~i 


1 








i 




^L ir 








II 


o 












j/^ ( ) 


tj( ><g 


II n 


f x, 


f J 




C J 


3 




\Sly 


cJ 5-^i 


<_> II 


a i 


t 






n 






L 








a 




o- -S- 




















1 ^ 9 * *T t L"" 






t A 








M 




t ) 




it 












i 











We believe all these chants to be spurious, for these reasons : 
There is such a sudden departure from the spirit of the ancient 
Ritual songs in declamation and cadence ; there is no attention 
to the characteristics of the Church mode, which, be it remem- 
bered, were the only keys the Tudor musicians knew, as the 
Tonal gamuts were not settled until the era of Durante ; there 
is a total absence of the quaint, terminal phrases that we find 
in Day's, Este's, and even Ravenscroft's, Psalters, and which 
were the only cadences, in and out of the Church, then in 



English Ritual Music, 



161 



vogue ; there is nothing of the progression, dispersion, and col- 
location in the counterpoints to mark the Tudor peculiarities, 
but much of modern manner, and that which is opposed to these 
essentials of the period; and, in addition to these characteristics, as 
the plein songs must have been written in the tenor, the parts will 
not bear any such transposition without assuming a phase quite 
inconsistent with the styles of the alleged composers. They 
are each wanting in that grave and solemn character, that terse 
and, so to say, epigrammatic variety, the strong and adventurous 
bearing which we find in the harmony-music of Day's first quire 
book. In order that our readers may judge of the metrical chant, 
really written in the days of Tudor writers, we extract one from 
the celebrated Psalter, composed, printed, published, and sold 
by that remarkable character, the Rev. Robert Crowley, Vicar 
of St. Giles's, Cripplegate, and which appeared in 1549. 




H J J o o I; HI 

^tr-LrJTipfeJ 



-- 



^=ff 



I 



000 




i 



1 



-&- o o-o- 



-- 



tt 



This is, in all probability, the earliest English Psalm tune in 
existence, as that given by Bishop Coverdale, in his. Psalter of 
1539, is one of Luther's. Compare it with the pretended chants 
of Tallis and Byrde ; it is redolent of the Gothic-isms found in 
Day's Church Services ; and its transparent genuineness is fatal 
to the pretensions of all the others. Further, we know what 
the Tudor harmonized chants were, as we find them in Day, at 
Lambeth, and in Barnard, and these demonstrate that the others 
are impositions. No reasonable man can come to any other 
conclusion. 

Day's Manual is clearly the best authority for a Tallis or 
Farrant chant, a chant, we conceive, to have been slowly and 
deliberately recited in the ancient manner by the Ecclesiastical 
body, and such of the congregation as could sing, led by 

NO. LIII. N. s. M 



162 



English Ritual Music. 



the tenors of the quire, and accompanied by the others in a har- 
mony music when applied to a Canticle, or if sung on a Festival 
Day ; and the effect of which was that the Psalms could be 
heard, understood, and followed by the congregation in the 
nave. We give from Day a specimen of the mode of recitation : 

, Tliomas Cuuslon, 15T.O. 



My soul doth mag - ni - fy the Lord, And my 



: ^- r i=; 



-^-v 



:t: 



-I- 



f-T 



WT* 



-a 



:p=F= 



* r 



i^p=it E=Hd-eM 

._Q^_eu.-jd 



-r 





HE 



Spirit hath re - joic - ed in God my Sa - vi - our. 




NUNC DIMITTIS, Thomas Causton, 1560. 

Lord, now let thy ser - vant de - part - - - in 




-^ 



-. O O 



1 i r-^=q= 

7-^i e> j 





: t=i=t=f 



peace, Ac - cor ding to thy 

-U-^L 



Word. 




And what say the Bibliographists of the progress of the 
chant from 1600 to 1700? They profess to have found seven 



English Ritual Music. 



163 



composers only out of the long list of Church harmonists 
that flourished in this course of a hundred years, namely Dr. 
Christopher Gibbons, Thomas Purcel, Edward Purcel, Henry 
Purcel, Daniel Purcel, Pelham Humphries, and Dr. Blow. 1 
We have shown that the solitary chants of the two Doctors are, 
in fact, varieties of two Church songs; and of the paternity of 
the other compositions there is great confusion, for that of 
Edward Purcel is given to Henry, and that of Humphries now 
to Weldon, now to H. Purcel. The following are two of the 
three ascribed to Henry Purcel, and are fair samples of the 
rest. 



>r 


I 


I<J 














II 


T(T> <> 








c ^ 










<-> II 


\\J 


( y 


<->_ 


c 3 


g 






< > 




CJ II 


tJ < ~~ > 
c~> 


C_J 

~| 


<_J -<- 

C~) 


-3 

ff 


L o 

L 

' n 






C_J 




C_J 

r~> . 


r ^\ *1f *~* 




C ~> II t_J 


| | 














*J-# 


c-x 


II 




















II O 


















-<^ 



-*FF3 



1 



*t 



-fc* 



n 



E 



o 



-^ 



-^ 



-^ 



1 



It was in the 18th century that the Anglican Chant sprung 
up in its present state of fourteen bars. Whether it was generate! 
at Hereford, Ripon, or Southwell, is a matter of doubt, or it is 
possible that it came from that place of general misrule, the 
Chapel Royal. The first five double chants were composed by 
Henry Hall, organist of Hereford Cathedral, who died 1713; 
Thomas Preston, organist of Ripon Cathedral, 1720; William 
Lee, organist of Southwell Minster, 1724 ; William Morley, 
of the Chapel Royal, 1738 ; and John Robinson, organist 
of St. Paul's Cathedral, 1764. They are these : 

1 The name of Michael Wise we omit, as the chant attributed to him contains 
a harmony at oiice proclaiming its modern origin. Nor do we include the name 
of Dean Aldrich. Surely the Dean never wrote such a Wesleyan phrase as this, 
which we quote from ' The Parish Choir." 




M 2 



164 English Ritual Music. 

HALL'S CHANT. 



go I " So' | " < 



-- 



fffMt 



I 



-- 



PRESTON'S CHANT. 



/L 




















rcn c - j 










1 








^l> 


<:> 






cjl ^ 








A 


^ c 


_) 


3 










n 








II 


X 










<-j| J 








11 


rr\ . < > 


^ 


cs 


a 








--?.<-. 


( > 1 



LEE'S CHANT. 



T^g 



i 



( > 



WM. MORLEY'S CHANT. 



3 



o 




i 



-e> 



SEE 



?VoP 



The sixth double chant is ascribed to Dr. Greene but 
of this we acquit the Doctor, as it is found in an accredited 
MS., single. Nor is it difficult to imagine each of the five we 
have quoted may consist of two single chants put together. 
The harmonies given are very poor and mean. Mr. Lee in par- 
ticular shines with a * disastrous lustre ;' and Mr. Preston would 
have been better employed in blowing than playing his organ at 
Ripon, for his harmonies, in addition to their unskilful character, 
are full of bad grammar. He was evidently the man to spoil a 
good thought, if vouchsafed him by any fortunate accident. But 



English Ritual Music. 



165 



all five are of a very Methodistical flavour, and as unchurchlike 
as any Denominationalists could well desire. 

The ' Dr. Rippon' of 'the Anglican' Church, who first ven- 
tured on publishing these departures from authority, was a Mr. 
Vandernan. His Collection of Chants appeared about the time 
of George the First. He was a member of the Chapel Royal, 
and has left the following specimen of his accomplishments in 
' the high art' of a Psalm Song: 

MR. VANDERNAN'S Chant. 



y u fl 




C3 


a 


~^- 


gE 


1 ^J ^._ 




Vl/ 7-^ 


d 




~7~*\ 




Ci ' 








J I 




^ r 


2 


1 
A 


' r 

^ i 




'"V ft ft ^ 


^^ cJ 














SM* 


~c^ S 










C3 






It is a singular circumstance that the instant some amusing 
absurdity is introduced into a Cathedral, it becomes classical 
and is invested with a quasi consequence of rectitude and au- 
thority. The organ builder laughs at the Westminster Abbey 
organ, and organists decline to play upon it save as an accom- 
panying instrument ; still it is considered a beautiful instrument. 
Take away that in St. Paul's Cathedral, and put it into one of 
those large Churches in the North, it could not be endured two 
consecutive days. And so it is with the * Anglican Chant :' 
musicians smile and storm, but the quiremen and organ accom- 
panyists bear them up triumphantly through cloud and sunshine, 
and thereupon those who ought to know better fall down and do 
homage to the false idol. * A rich addition,' says Mr. Burge, 
(following Mr. Jebb,) ' to the single chants was made at the 
' Reformation by some of our most eminent composers. They 

* are characterised by all the gravity of the Gregorian Chant, 
' and are admirably calculated to awaken sentiments of the 

* purest devotion.' We admit an unlimited amount of * gravity,' 
their leaden weight is incalculable : and of each we may say 
that it is 

' lethaeo rore raadentem, 
Vique soporatum Stygia.' 

Mr. Hullah may think them to be the very essence of * an apos- 
tolic salt,' but as our readers have seen the whole collection of 
original chants from 1549 to 1623 in the specimens we have 
quoted, they have only to turn back to Merbecke's Chants and 
ascertain the degree of correspondence ; and for ourselves we 
believe them to be much more calculated to drive honest people 
out of the Church than to retain them in. If Tallis, Byrde, and 
Farrant really made the chants assigned to them, they each 



166 English Ritual Music. 

must have been taught on Dr. Cooke's easy and convenient 
principle of one lad teaching another. And Dr. Rimbault falls 
into sympathetic raptures with Mr. Burge ; so also Mr. Edward 
Taylor, who deprecates ' any attempt to Gregorianize our Pro- 
testant Chant.' We have no desire (using Sidney Smith's 
phrase) ' to gore a Unitarian,' and therefore let the Gresham 
Professor pass scatheless ; but one word on Dr. Rimbault, who 
thinks 'the beautiful harmonies of the 16th and 17th centuries 
'and their admirable fitness for religious worship are beginning 
' to be felt and generally acknowledged ; and the time is rapidly 
' approaching when the flimsy and undevotional chords of later 
' tunes will be banished the house of God, and the works of the 
' fathers of English harmony be once more restored to that ser- 
' vice for which they were originally intended.' All this is like 
the redoubtable Greek quotation everlastingly on the lips of the 
gentle Jenkinson, the friend of the Vicar of Wakefield. We 
have read it before in Mr. Jebb's Lectures, price Is. Now where 
is there anything more flimsy in harmony, and less appropriate 
for worship, than the chants we have brought before our readers ? 
What matters it whether Mr. Lee, Mr. Preston, Mr. Hall, Mr. 
Morley, or Mr. Robinson first invented the Anglican Chant in 
its double form are they not each and all nonentities ? Did 
these men ever write a line worth preservation, or that cost 
them a thought ? And yet certain it is, one of these dissenters 
from Church feeling and Church art did invent the mode of sing- 
ing now universally adopted in our Cathedrals ; and Westminster 
Abbey is aping either Hereford, Ripon, or Southwell ; and St. 
Paul's revelling in the ' rus in urbJ inventions of the epoch of 
1720 ! Next to writing such absurdities, the most discreditable 
act is that of approving them. Dr. Rimbault considers them 
* Chants by the most eminent of Church musicians.' They are 
nothing of the sort ; no eminent Church composer ever attempted 
to rival the ancient Psalm songs by any such absurdities as he 
has chronicled without authority, and with a gravity of face 
worthy of a better cause. All real musicians demur and laugh 
at them, as unfit for the exigencies of religious worship ; and 
although it may befit Mr. Hullah to appear singularly indiscreet, 
is Dr. Rimbault willing to join him company and share in the 
credulity ? We hope not. It is not a question of quire har- 
mony, because there is no tone of the Church, however ancient, 
but will bear the superstructure of the noblest and most exalted 
harmony ; and for any person to entertain the notion that any of 
our Ritual music is of too l meagre' or ' barbarous' or ' simple' a 
character to refuse the clothing of a majestic, and highly artis- 
tical counterpoint, is of all absurdities the most preposterous. 
If Tallis, Byrde, Parsons, and Gibbons, could clothe the simple 



English Ritual Music. 167 

intonation of the Preces, Versicles, and Litany in the 'rich,' 
* strange/ 'full,' /grave,' < chaste,' 'solemn,' ' grand,' 'incommu- 
nicable' harmonies they did, how much easier were it for these 
masters of harmony to have developed the more pathetic and 
exalted Psalm tones of the church ? Does Mr. Hullah know 
what he means when he styles the Church Chants 'simple, 
meagre and barbarous ?' If they are, how much more so must 
be the Preces and Versicles the Litany and Suffrages. Of 
course every portion of the Kitual music is capable of receiving a 
varied development by means of counterpoint ; but the ques- 
tion is, whether as there are certain parts peculiarly the duty of 
' the great congregation' ' to hear and answer,' those parts are not 
better retained in their original purity and integrity, for the 
sake of a clearer intelligence and a more certain rule of 
conformity. 

The rule of conformity is beyond measure easy, were it but 
laid before the priesthood and people in some simple class book. 

The great foundation of the ancient Psalm tones is the fact 
of one and but one reciting note, 1 which may be A, G, or F. 
For example: 




O praise the Lord, all ye Hea - then, Praise Him, all ye nations. 



Now here is the one tone the point of unity the rapidity 
of utterance and the elongation of the finals required in the 
singing of the oriental Psalms. The next point is that of the 
rising inflexion at the close of the first hemistich. 



Behold, now, praise the Lord, all ye servants of the Lord. 

There can be no further expression given without a pneuma or 
cadence, which may be terse or developed. But this cannot be 
effected without deciding how the motion is to be made ; for as 
all musical melody consists of tones and semitones, nothing can 
be determined upon until the situation of the semitones be as- 
certained. All the Church songs of the first or simple character 
are comprised within the fall of the tetrachord. There can be 
only one semitone in a tetrachord. The Church therefore admits 

1 The reciting note of the seventh tone is commonly chanted on A, but it forms 
in strictness the third of the tetrachord. 



168 



English Ritual Music. 



three kinds of tetrachords in her Ritual music. First, that 
where the semitone is the final. 



o 



2dly, that where it follows the prime or tonic, the word 
tonic being used in the sense of tone or reciting note, 



3dly, where it follows the second, and precedes the final: 1 
thus 



I 



The chants arising from the first tetrachord are as follows 
1st. The final on the tone below the reciting note. 



II 



M 



2dly. The final on the third below the song tone. 



-&- 



3dly. The final on the fourth. 



The chants in the second tetrachord are these, 
1st. The final on the second. 

-fl-tt.1 



MU-U N=q^ 



1 There is no Psalm tone in this tetrachord, it is the supplication one. 



English Ritual Music. 



169 



This is one of those attributed to Tallis, and usually sun 3 to 
the ' Quicunque Vult.' 

2. The final on the tone, but preceded by a fall to the 
third. 



I 



3d. The final falling from the tone upon the third, preceded 
by an inflexion on the semitone. 

-Q- ff.J 



BE 



4th. The final on the third, preceded by a fall from the tone 
to the fourth. 



M M- 



-o- 



5th. The final on the fourth, preceded by a fall from the tone 
to the third. 

tt.l 



w- 



1 



6th. The song tone on the third, and not the tonic, with the 
final on the fourth. 1 

tt..fl 



I 



In the singing of the Canticles, and grandly-developed chants, 
these chants are preceded by an Intonation or Preface, which 
arose in the first instance from the desire to announce ad speedily 
as possible to the quire and congregation, the particular tetra- 
chord about to be used. The first tetrachord has its Preface 
opening upon F. : 

Preface to First Tetrachord. 



1 See note, p. 167. 



1 70 English Ritual Music. 

As there is no F natural in the second tetrachord and it 
does not appear as an integral part of the chant called the 
fourth tone the choice of the F was the most calculated to 
assist the quire in the knowledge and bearing of the first tone. 
The second tetrachord is preceded by an announcement of the 
final note and the penultimate of the tetrachord Gamut ; the 
penultimate F sharp at once deciding the tone : 



Preface to Second Tetrachord. 




o < ' 



The third intonation opens upon the intoning or reciting 
note falling to the full tone below G natural : this decides 
the gamut, as it denotes the semitone is not upon the sub-tonic, 
and as it omits announcing the F natural, demonstrates that the 
chant will not be one of those forms, having that note as an 
essential. 

Preface to Third Tetrachord. 



In later times, when the gamuts of Guido had caused an 
alteration in the Church tones, the B flat became a part of the 
new hexachord, and the following intonation for the first tone 
became necessary to introduce those chants which admitted the 
B flat in their development. 



Modern Form. 



Such is the artistical and wondrous system on which has 
been founded an imperishable system of the noblest psalmody 
in the world. Of the pneumas or developments, we have no 
space to enlarge ; and this subject must be left to another 
opportunity. Enough has been shown to lay open the secret 
mechanism of the ancient songs, and to point to their accents, 
because it is in the accents that their beauty and real symmetry 
consist. Like the ancient poetry, they are rhythmical, but not 
metrical full of a noble parallelism, but refusing to be scanned 
or measured by the feeble rules of modern melody. ' * I deprecate 
too plain a rhythm, too marked a measure,' says Mr. Mason in 



English Ritual Music. 



171 



his Essays on Church Music; and the remark is one of much 
wisdom. The rhythm or proportion must exist, or otherwise 
there is no foundation or element of art present. But it does 
not follow that our Christian songs are not thoroughly artistical, 
because they decline to fall within the laws of secular song; they 
have a. law within themselves. 

But what shall we say of Mr. Hullah, who went to Paris to 
buy a copy of Alfieri's Manual ; copies a great part into the pre- 
face to his Psalter ; puts himself in statu pupillari, to learn how to 
harmonize the psalm chants; and yet prints the result after a 
manner that would expose him to the derision of every precentor 
in Christendom ? And all this, too, that he might preserve the 
ancient ( ! ) ballad measure of the Anglican chant. So he says ; 
but this was not the true reason, which exudes in a sly corner 
he has endeavoured so to frame them, that they should not ' be- 
tray their Roman origin.' Who has told Mr. Hullah that Rome 
ever originated them ? Did we not have them as soon as Rome, 
nay, for ought we know, even sooner ? Are they not oriental ; 
and how can Mr. Hullah prove they were not sung in the gor- 
geous temple of the first church ? 

The first tone, the cadence of which is on the second of the 
tetrachord, and with the pneuma, thus : 



< V 






Mr. Hullah prints in 'this fashion, and with a harmony ludi- 
crous in the extreme. 







The second tone is as every one but Mr. Hullah knows 
thus : 



fi -ft ft * 


* 


- 


zn as* 








L J 




frh * D K 


fc^ r-. 





The accent being on B, the rising inflexion ; then on G, the 
semitone ; and, lastly, on the final. Mr. Hullah reads it : 




TTJj^frf 



172 



English Ritual Music. 



The third tone proper is : 

. * * * 



I 



the first hemistich being accented on B and G, and the last on 
A and A, with the pneuma from A to E. 
Mr. Hullah understands it to be : 




Mr. Hullah opens the fourth tone : 



The only opening of the fourth tone is just the reverse, with 
the accent on the B. 



-- 



And there is no such terminal as, 



the cadences on G being, 
I, II. 



III. 






IV. 



V. 



J cJ ' o 1 ^ 



~cr 



I 



-QH 



H 



9 



-^ 



-L 



VI. 






The cadences on the fourth tone being part of the Phrygian 
mode, are rich and most extraordinarily diversified. What does 



English Ritual Music. 



173 



Mr. Hullah think of the few specimens we quote? which is ' the 
meagre ' one and which ' the barbarous' ? We recommend his 
pupils to try the last (No. 6) to that pathetic Psalm, ' By the 
waters of Babylon we sat down and wept,' and the result will 
be, that one and all will tell him to throw away his Psalter, and 
let them have some more from the same well-spring of pure 
grace and beauty. 

The fifth tone Mr. Hullah commences wrongly the accent is 
on the 13, 



m 



and not on the A, as Mr. Hullah gives it. 



j[__L LJL 



The sixth tone we have already quoted. 
The seventh tone pure is thus : 



I 



the first accent on A, the second on G, E, the final, and D, and 
C forming the pneuma. 

Mr. Hullah has it in this disguise ; and we must quote one 
specimen of his harmony, although the others are all equally 
unartistical and uninviting. 



y ^tt'V 


-_4 -,-4 - 


-"1 


1 1 - 


=|l 


16= 

c/ b> 

);tJ o 


f j -ttJ* ^ttc 

_ er . 4*^f 


3EEE 

- ^:: 

4f-^ 


vfe 1 

, pU- 


1 

31 8J : "S" 

^-^TT! 


^-^--fTi^-lU .f-l=^t 

The lovely Peregrine tone Bach gives thus : 

THE PEREGRINE TONE. J. S. BACH, 1740. 


^Jil 


V * r-J 


1 




II 




f > 




i i 1! 


f(n i i 






L~J 13 










J c 


ITT 1 
J J J J 



J 


' 
i I 


L_>J iq 

i , , 




* J 


* 


i * CJ 


, ^f K S |< 


P .* * 4r f 5( 


P-tfli 


w 


. 


r^ 1' 




CM 


\ 




15 



174 



English Ritual Music. 



'XL a ^ 


, 


, i 






rrh ^ 


Q 


f-> 


J 




isaz 


M 


rt ' H 


#^-^ 




v 


1 1 1 1 


cJ o 


l 

.J 


i in! 




& 




M 



We insert this example to show that Bach not only could 
endure, but that he set in gold, this l barbarous music,' and 
that by the Lutherans the ancient chants were neither crippled 
nor distorted. Mr. Hullah reads the tone as follows : 



Mr. HULLAH'S PEREGRINE TONE, 184j. 



m 



1 



:t 



~cr 



n 



TZT 



-^- 



-^ 



-fcJr 



-^ 



J ^ J 
c- * y 



-^ 



-^ 



It may be noticed that the Peregrine tone has, properly, no 
preface or intonation ; but it soon became customary to add one 
on high days and festivals, and its distinguishing peculiarity with 
the Germans was that of rising to the 3rd above the reciting 
note. Bach commences with the preface, and also repeats it at 
the commencement of the second hemistich ; a practice common 
throughout the Catholic Churches, when sung to hymns or canticles. 

As Mr. Hullah well observes, * his Gregorians are no longer 
Gregorians,' although we must dispute his conclusion, that they 
still * make very good chants.' We think them excessively bad. 

Mr. Hullah, in his Psalter, gives his pupils chants by thirty- 
two composers ; and he desires his chants to be considered ' trea- 

* sures of ecclesiastical art,' and the result * of the labours of the 

* long and learned succession of organists and composers of eccle- 
' siastical music which this country has produced since the Re- 

* formation.' Our readers will be surprised to hear of the names 
of Fussell, Hindle, King, Marsh, Turner, Langdon, Goodenough, 
Hawkins, Flintoft, Beckwith, Randall, and Norris, as learned 
Church musicians. Abstracting another dozen names, applied to 
chants, of which the alleged composers would never have recog- 
nised them, the catalogue of Mr. Hullah's worthies is very brief. 



English Ritual Music. 175 

The misfortune is, that such writers as Mr. Hullah seem perfectly 
ignorant of the fact that the English Church has a Ritual song, 
and even those who know it, (like Mr. Jebb,) mystify it under the 
name of tradition and traditional usages. The Rubrics sanction 
nothing but the Ritual song and anthems; therefore it was that the 
injunctions of Edward and Elizabeth give the liberty for quire 
music and congregational hymns at the conclusion of each office. 
Another strange assertion of Mr. Hullah we must notice. He 
says the form of the Anglican chant * was settled by the fathers 
of English church music,' meaning, we presume, the country 
organists, Messrs. Hall, Lee, and Preston ; and this circumstance 
arose from * the form into which Tallis threw ' the Gregorian chant 
which has long gone by his name. Tallis did nothing to the 
chant he took it note for note, and religiously preserved all its 
right accents ; and as to the harmony form to which Mr. Hullah 
alludes, Tallis had nothing to do with it. That was the work of 
Adrian Batten. The Tallis harmony we have given, which is 
harmonized in the minor. Mr. Hullah is a man of one idea a 
tune in three and four bars is his Psalter chant, and he declares 
his belief that we owe this tune 'to the genius and piety of a Tallis, 
a Purcel, and a Boyce.' After this, argument is useless. Mr. 
Hullah can, perhaps, chant upon every note in the gamut; Tallis 
could not, and he was not so clever a choir-master as to try. 

It has been well observed, ' a little learning leads us from that 
result to which much learning would inevitably take us.' 

Mr. Hullah's lecture ' On the duty of learning to sing' is 
based on the chimerical notion that the English people, when they 
celebrate Church service, are to divide themselves into classes of 
trebles, altos, tenors, and basses that, in place of singing the plein 
song, 1 they are to take secular chants and ballad psalm tunes, and 
turn the Ritual into a performance of that which has been practised 
in Exeter Hall. The Genevan Claude le Jeune tried this plan three 
hundred years ago so did also Walther among the Lutherans ; 
both books were failures, and are now only curiosities. Mr. 
Hullah will fail no one knows it better than himself. Accord- 
ing to his plan, the priest may sing an alto or a bass ; and should 
there be too many tenors or trebles in the congregation, they 
must be politely requested to withdraw, as their exertions might 
disturb the just balance of parts. He ridicules the notion of a 
man's song the great fact of the fathers of our country standing 
up with their wives and children, each the precentor of his 

4 We use the word Plein Song from the ancient term, ' Plein Chant/ or ' Plenus 
Cantus,' congregational Song in parochial churches, corporation Song in cathe- 
drals and colleges. The term Planus Cantus arose after the ' Quiremen' had settled 
the habit of writing counterpoint on the Plenus Cantus, and converting it into an 
equal note song. 



176 English Ritual Music. 

family, and yet uniting in one joyful noise before the Lord. He 
lectures the Leeds people in a style of which we can only say, 
that he has calculated too much on what he calls ' the musical 

* ignorance of the great mass of English people, where nine 
' English gentlemen out of ten show rather less practical skill in 
4 music than the Ojibbeway Indians ;' and ' as to women of the 

* higher or middle classes, what with living in hot rooms, want 

* of exercise, and other sophistications, the majority pass through 

* life without ever using their natural voices at all.' Nine Eng- 
lish gentlemen out of ten would tell Mr. Hullah a Church song 
may be good whether in a square, a three-cornered, or a round 
note ; that Mr. Hullah thinks it quite unnecessary to know any 
thing of the Ritual music before writing upon it ; that it is use- 
less to become a teacher of singing before learning to sing ; that 
it is quite possible to know a little of thorough bass, and yet 
know nothing of Church harmony or of its gamuts ; and that it 
is possible for a maestro to starve his pupils amid the splendid 
resources of a magnificent and ancient Church song. He derides 
the Psalm tones, but qualifies his sarcasms by declaring * he holds 
them in the highest admiration.' They are ' meagre and bar- 
barous,' yet withal * simple and noble.' He would * starve' if 
fed on ' such melody, to invent which there was no need of great 
musicians ; ' yet he is ' not insensible to their grandeur, pathos, 
and sublimity' ! The truth is, Mr. Hullah dislikes Church song 
because he is profoundly ignorant of it ; but he well knows it 
would not be wise or prudent to let all the world see this. 

Dr. Burney's ignorance is no excuse for Mr. Hullah's. He 
knew that the ' Church tones' had been our ' common tunes ;' 
and the manuals published during the last century, for the use 
of the Latin Catholics in England and Ireland, might have led 
him to a change of opinion. Mr. Coghlan's or Mr. Webbe's 
Manual of Church Chants would have enlightened Mr. Hullah 
on the subject, and his journey to Paris, after M. Fetis' descrip- 
tion of Gregorian in that city, must be looked upon as an act 
of very simple extravagance. 

We should have been better pleased if Dr. Bimbault had offered 
some authorities for his statements. It is not because he places 
a distinguished name opposite a dull chant that we can consent 
to have that name lowered in our esteem. Had he said, ' I have 
' been to such a library, and found this and that chant, and you 
* will find it in such a book,' some deference might have been 
paid him; as it is, we take the liberty of withholding our 
belief. We would fain hope the Dean and Chapter repudiate 
his ' Westminster Use ;' if not, that service is more to be 
deplored than is possible to conceive. His edition of Low's 
Directory was well intended, but not so well executed. He 



English Ritual Music. 177 

has changed the title, omitted the preface, disguised the Psahn 
Songs, and, in fact, the reprint gives little or no idea of the 
original. We hope Mr. Pickering, whose fac-simile reprint of 
Merbecke is beyond all praise, will produce the Cranraer Litany, 
and both Clifford and Low in the same manner. Mr. Novello's 
edition of Merbecke is if humble, less expensive, and when 
corrected, equally useful. The prefatory observations of Dr. 
Rimbault are interesting ; but if he had said less of the Litany, 
and more of the ancient Processional if he had traced out the 
Offertories and Post Communions from some Sarum Gradual, 
he would have conferred a valuable service on the Church, and 
rendered Merbecke's book of incontrovertible authority from 
first to last. 

Mr. Novello's * Cantica Sacra ' is a fine name for a Vesperal 
Psalterium ; as he has changed the name, so he has changed the 
chants, for they are in a very unorthodox shape. Mr. Warren's 
* Gregorian Chants' are an impudent imposition on publisher 
and purchaser. 

We regret we can say no other of those edited by Sir Henry 
Bishop. What Mr. Warren may publish is of no importance, 
but it is lamentable to find a work issued by the house of 
D'Almaine, and edited by a late Professor of Music in a learned 
university, which is a discredit to English literature, and a sharp 
satire on cathedral organists and singing men. Professor 
Walmisley, of Cambridge, has recently published the ' Cam- 
bridge Collection of Chants,' which contains some dozen of 
perpetrations equalling in absurdity those of his brother pro- 
fessor at Edinburgh. From Dr. Crotch's high character we 
feel that Oxford is safe from a similar irruption of Vandalism. 

The ' Parish Choir ' is a little monthly periodical, issued by a 
Society desirous of a reform in Church music. As the Treasurer 
is Mr. W. F. Low, the organist of Marylebone Church, and the 
promoters of the work are said to be connected with West- 
minster Abbey, we hail the undertaking with much grati- 
fication. No Ritual music can be in a worse state than that 
at the great church of St. Marylebone, and we soon hope to 
see Mr. Low reforming the Services ; nor would those in the 
Abbey suffer by a change. The work consists of chants and 
anthems, extracts from classical authors on Church music, and 
notices on the present state of our Church song. The principle 
adopted is, that ' the English Liturgy requires the outward 
vocal expression of the people,' in psalms and hymns, and 
indeed all parts of the service the priests chanting their parts, 
and the congregation * taking up the response in full harmony.' 
Now, here is a great error : the Prayer-book requires no ' full 
harmony ' from the congregation ; it offers a Ritual Song, 

NO. LIII. N.S. N 



178 English Ritual Music. 

nothing else, and demands no more. "We are told, ' the choral 
mode of performing Divine Service is the most perfect ; ' but 
we answer, the service is not to be ' performed,' and the Prayer- 
book Clerk's song is not what is note understood by the term of 

* choral mode.' But we are glad to find ' the Psalms and Can- 
ticles are to be sung by all the congregation.' If so, they must 
be sung to the Psalm songs, and not to Anglican chants, for the 
latter are not songs for men. In the March number there was 
a most unhappy description of the chant, which was stated to 
consist of ' a reciting note and three inflected notes, followed by 
a reciting note and five inflected notes.' The English people 
will never sing their Psalter ; the priests will never sing, if the 
Psalms are to be chanted to varying reciting notes, followed first 
by three inflected notes and then by five. The editors have 
already found out their mistake, as in a later number the chant 
is rechristened, and described as ' a recitation on a tone,' which 
tone is slightly varied at the middle and end of a verse. This 
is a far more sensible definition, and we hope to see it amended 
still in a future number thus, ' The Church chant is a recita- 
' tion by priests and people upon one and the same tone, a tone 
c within the best compass of the priests' and people's voices, which 
' tone is raised one whole semitone or note at the close of the first 
' hemistich ; and must finally close on the reciting tone, or any 

* of the three notes below it, unless it be in a high and developed 

* form. The inflections vary, and can be readily ascertained by 
' reference to a Manual or Psalter.' And may we hope to see 
the Anglican chants dropped, and the Manual commenced? 
We think we shall ; for already we read, ' the Gregorian chants 
' are the more ancient the best of all chants meat, and not 
' milk for babes adapted, not for children, but for men's voices, 
' the bulk of the congregation.' All this looks pleasant, but we 
were sorry to read in the next column that they were ' unknown 
' and strange,' and that, ' coming out, as it were, the voices of 
1 the dead, the songs of a thousand years ago, their severe and 

* majestic simplicity grated harshly and inappreciably on the 
' ear.' This, we thought, must have been written by Mr. 
Hullah, more especially as there is a chapter inscribed to the 
beatification of this worthy class-master; but no another 
reason is alleged a sly hit at Mr. Hullah; '"We have too 

* sincere a respect for the Gregorian tones to expose them to the 
' chance of mutilation or factious opposition.' The editors, 
therefore, intend to teach that they may at future opportunities 
unteach: they instruct in error because dreading 'violent tran- 
sition ;' they have a horror of ' running double chants,' ' vulgar 
secularized tunes,' ' dancing psalm-tunes,' but still prefer 
organists' and singing men's chants to the voice of the Church, the 



English Ritual M-usic. 179 

Psalm tones of all Christendom. The real cause of the delay in 
their good intentions is probably found in this sentence, ' Our 

* critics say our choirs are degenerate, the cathedral clergy 
' cannot sing, the lay-vicars are few, and the voices of the 

* children are heard in their stead. Granted.'' Then, we answer, 
of what use is it to humour the people ? "Will the people sing 
whilst the clergy are silent ? Certainly not. Will the clergy 
sing any other music than that of their Church's heritage ? 
Surely not, nor can they if they would. The thing is physically 
as well as rationally impossible. No one knew this better than 
our forefathers, and experience may show us that they were not 
mistaken. 

Mr. Bennett, in his address on Church music, follows in the 
train of Mr. Jebb. The only result of this faint appeal to 

* tradition ' meaning, we presume, the Church songs, this 
strange adoption of a new terminology, such as ' choral mode 
of the Anglican Church,' will be the transformation of our 
parochial services into quartett, or small quire exhibitions like 
those at the Foundling Hospital and the Magdalen. At Leeds, 
St. Giles's Camberwell, St. Paul's Wilton-place, and some other 
churches, we hear e deputy celebrations,' the quires taking to 
themselves the Ritual music, disguised in some harmony or 
other, or otherwise ' a new song' altogether, an Anglican mu- 
sical service which no degree of class-teaching or Church 
practice can ever make Catholic or popular. Such as can bring 
themselves to permit this diversity from the rule of conformity, 
have their reward in pain and mortification they can neither 
sing themselves nor witness the voice of the great congregation. 
Thus it is that we have ' a male population, who, if they come 
to church, never open their mouths,' and who defend themselves 
by the example of those who ought to be their precentors. 

Let us not be misunderstood. We have no desire to banish 
artistical song from our cathedrals or parish churches : quite 
the reverse. We seek to elevate the quires ; and we viewed 
with deep regret the little gratifying effect produced in the 
Hanover Square Rooms, on a recent occasion, by so many members 
of our metropolitan and collegiate quires. Still it is but fair to 
Mr. Gantter to observe that he deserves very considerable credit 
for the spirited way and skill with which he selected his music; had 
he been well seconded by the quire, the results on the English 
mind would have been different. However, we consider this gen- 
tleman's lectures a step in the right direction; and the sympathy 
with which he was met was gratifying, we think, to all parties 
concerned. For the quire music we desire high art, in the form 
which the Church has originated and authorized. For the priests 
and people, no more of art than the Church has accorded, and 

N 2 



180 -English Ritual Music. 

which, for the purposes required, is art in its highest estate; 
for the people's songs are at once natural and simple, and easy 
of apprehension ; and can we think that this great result was 
accomplished by accident and the act of ignorance or barbarity ? 
We trow not. They have ever been held in the profoundest 
reverence by the great and the mighty in mind and ima- 
gination ; the Church has sealed them with her impress, and the 
universal attention now bestowed upon them is one sure and 
certain sign of the well-being of her economy, the zeal and 
piety of her members, and the deep devotional and apostolical 
character of her services. 

It has unfortunately happened that her songs have fallen in 
esteem with modern artists, from the impression that, being so 
simple in construction and so unworldly in character, they could 
hardly be considered as music. Dr. Burney, amongst other 
musical writers, may be quoted as a writer who thought meanly 
of ' the Lord's Songs.' The celebrated Mr. Jackson, of Exeter, 
followed in his wake, and thus expresses himself on the subject : 
' I confess myself ignorant of the music preceding the time of 

* Henry VII I., nor indeed, can such knowledge be considered 

* necessary. Melody was, although not absolutely unknown, 

* in a barbarous state until the last hundred years. Of the har- 

* mony music, we may conclude it was more barbarous than that 

* of the sixteenth century. Such of the motets, masses, and 

* madrigals as have reached us, consist of a succession of chords, 
' without art or meaning, and are perfectly destitute of air. 

* Tallis and Byrde, Morley and Farrant, who appeared in the 

* reign of Elizabeth, improved the barren style of their prede- 
' cessors ; and, although they made some little advances in 

* melody, they displayed no choice in their harmony.' So Dr. 
Busby also, who complains of ' the common chords, antique 
modulations, and anomalies in polyphonies,' exhibited by Tallis 
and his contemporaries. This manner of writing has had its 
day ; trash it always was, and so it is now universally received 
to be by all wise and sensible persons. But still, in order to 
preserve a good feeling in a right direction, it is necessary to 
disseminate reasons for the faith that is in us, so that our taste 
in Church art may be proved to be coincident with the realities 
of truth and beauty in art. Taste is merely the mental, or rather 
psychological, apparatus given to man for the perception of 
beauty ; but, as it is a varying product, its results must not be con- 
founded with principles. Our tastesdiffer according to organization, 
habits, associations, changes in age, life, position in society, and 
many other circumstances. The amateur judges from effect, the 
critic from the means or mechanism, which, if he finds not ac- 
cording to his knowledge and preconceived notions, he forthwith 



English Ritual Music. 181 

decries. But such opinions are no test of art, which must be 
referred to certain natural laws which proclaim their truth by 
reason of their immutability. The foundation of all art is sym- 
metry or proportion, and in the exhibition of the myriad secret 
relations of this principle consists the life and labour of the artist. 
The relation which forms bear to one another is the abstract 
and absolute of the beautiful in art as well as in nature. The 
Church in olden times possessed her secret laws^for the creation 
of melody, by means of relations and symmetries which are now 
but too little known, and scarcely ever put into practice. Mo- 
dern melody is constructed on certain relations of the tonal har- 
mony. Church melody is constructed without reference to any 
harmony whatever, and has its parallelisms and analogies as 
certain and definite, although not so transparent, as modern 
tonal melody. Modern harmony is, if possible, still more 
different from Church harmony than is modern melody from that 
of the Church. All relations of harmony are now calculated 
from two scales only in place of six, and these relations are de- 
rived solely from three central points ; namely, the tonic, the 
fifth of the tonic, and the fifth of that fifth, for the theorists of 
this generation have discarded the fourth or subdominant. 
Church harmony is a totally opposite mechanism ;' the bearings 
of one note to another note in Church harmony may be per- 
fectly right and proper, though yet decried and rejected by the 
secular composer as bad and irrelative. 

Of the particularities appertaining to Church melody and har- 
mony, rendered sacred and authoritative by time, reason, artistic 
law, and the practice of the Church, nothing can be added atthe 
present, although we trust to enlarge on these points at a future 
time. In the meantime we recommend tljat our priests com- 
mence a purification of the melodies in use by rejecting all such 
as are beyond the compass and ability of the male register. All 
chants, all psalm-melodies, beyond the ordinary compass of the 
man's voice, are melodies disallowed by the Church, and for 
which no prescriptive claim can be raised. We have given 
examples of the ancient hymn melody in the Paschal and Advent 
festival tones; there is no Churchman living who could not 
command every note employed ; but who can sing such melodies 
as * St. David's,' 'London,' and all tunes of the like character, em- 
bracing the range of an octave, if not more ? With respect to 

1 This subject has been treated in a curious MS. in the British Museum, 
entitled, ' The Old Church Composers in the early days of Counterpoint, neglecting 
the modern Rules of Relation, or rather not knowing them, and taking fearlessly 
two or more perfect Chords of the same kind diatonically, using every note of the 
Scale except the seventh as a fundamental Bas^ the True Secret of Ancient Church 
Music." 



182 



English Ritual Music. 



the chants, let no chant be permitted which has many varying 
reciting tones, or having reciting tones beyond an easy and 
natural expression. As familiar examples of chants, bad in every 
sense, artistically and practically, we have selected the following 
by Drs. Cooke and Crotch, and Messrs. Attwood, Hawes, Goss, 
and Turle: 



DR. COOKE. 



fe "J.J 


N=F= 


c 




=m 


J=^ 


^=^ 




*7 1 

n fi i ' 








J J _ |* 




^ 


o~ 


:=tt 


- -1 J 




II. 

1*11 o I 


1 T 


-1 






I ^ c- 


DR. CROTCH. 


P== = h ^ 1 " 

n +f ' ' 


t 


3 


_ d 


J ^1 U 


"V SH 1 i 


1 




^^ 


^"^ 


1 " P 


-^_ 


1 


ft " -j- 


-3g 


-r- 






- 1 F-f- 




~=t 



III. 



HAWES. 



fK 






& 



j 



IV. 



-8-4- 



v. 



ATTWOOU. 



U |E_ 

^ ^ 


C) ? 




c^ 


S 


1 J J 1 


_l 


9 


' 

x 8 / ^ i 




3 




1 1 


, 


1 si * J 




f 1 


1 


- 


L_3 




S ~d . 


_ d ^L 


S3 



Goss. 






English Ritual Music. 

VI. 

. n tt tt 


183 

TUK.LE. 


9 " ^ 1 Q 


- CT Q -gs ' 1- 


1 


.MS I" C*i | 1 ' 


&L 


C? ^D . 


r n ft tt 






J? V L-S. -^ 1 1 


-- - A 




^ IT" 1 J ^ 1 


-4 H f p 


_^=_V2 f 



The first is a, vulgar secular strain constructed on the principles of 
modern harmony, and opposed to all the essential characteristics 
of the true Psalm Song. It commences with the second strain 
of Mr. Jones's chant quoted at the commencement of this arti- 
cle ; a strain which Dr. Crotch has taken in the third part of his 
chant. None but trained singers of skill can chant upon D, 
and yet Dr. Crotch opens on this note. The same person that 
can chant on D, cannot do so upon the E below ; and who is 
there can chant upon the E above, or ascend a compass of 
twelve notes from the tonic ? As to the others they have no 
symmetry or relation ; and it is clear the writers have never 
studied the ordinary proportions and analogies of the melodial 
gamut. But such things should be discarded without reference 
to artistic properties, as not being adapted to the wants and 
facilities of either priest or people. If public praise be more 
than a name, it requires all present to take a part in it. Our 
remembrance of the primitive Church, and her practices, will 
forbid any reception of such music as the modern Anglican 
Chant, and in seeking for its substitute, nothing in nature or 
art can be found to equal those wondrous and sublime responses 
which the Ritual music of our Church offers alike to the ignorant 
and the learned, as neither above the grasp or comprehension of 
the one, nor unworthy the love and esteem of the other. 



184 



ART. VI. Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of Eng- 
land in the North American Colonies, previous to the Independence 
of the United States: chiefly from the MS. Documents of the 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. By 
ERNEST HAWKINS, B.D., Fellow of Exeter College, Pre- 
bendary of St. Paul's, and Secretary to the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel. London: B. Fellow es. 1845. 

IN the middle of the nineteenth century England is the only 
colonizing state in the world. There is plenty of emigration, 
as from Germany and America, but only English colonization ; 
for whatever may hereafter be the fate of Algeria, it is at 
present, as a colony, a total and confessed failure. The French 
emigrant does not know how to take root there, and no one can 
help him over his difficulties. Everywhere but in England 
colonization goes against the grain ; there is no taste for it, no 
wish for it ; and if attempted, as in Algeria, it is by a forced 
and unnatural effort. Only in England the country takes to it 
spontaneously and with zest : settlements of Englishmen follow 
one another here, there, and everywhere, without bustle, without 
noise, and on the whole succeed. The mother-country goes on 
without troubling herself very much about her progeny ; views 
them with blended complacency and nonchalance; is glad to have 
them, but often grumbles about them ; occasionally deigns to 
give them a lift or a rebuff; and so they go on, getting into 
scrapes and out of them, squabbling and wrangling among 
themselves, and with the mother-country, but on the whole 
advancing steadily in strength and consolidation, and rooting 
themselves kindly and firmly in their new land vivacious and 
promising infant states. 

England plainly has the genius of colonizing; every vacant 
corner of the world, for the last three hundred years, has shown 
the marks of it ; and its results, displayed on a gigantic scale in 
Asia and America, have taken possession, as it were, of the 
whole interest of two continents, and eastward and westward 
occupy the whole field of view. And yet these great colonial 
empires, and her colonizing spirit, seem to have grown up 
almost without her intending it. Our neighbours, who look at 
everything in a logical point of view, will have it that we have 
been for long years pursuing a clearly foreseen and definite 
scheme of empire; that our colonizing has been the result of 
deep and well-arranged plans, patiently and skilfully carried 
out The event certainly looks very like it ; and probably by 



The Early Colonial Church. 1,85 

this time we are become fully alive to the value of colonial 
greatness. We have learned our destiny and mission, as the 
French would say, that we were meant to be a great colonizing 
state. But we were a long time about it. Nothing certainly 
looks less like deep and formidable policy than the process by 
which our greatest colonies grew up. No philosopher or states- 
man presided over their birth: we had no Louis XIV. or 
Colbert to imagine and aim at empire. It was not the state 
that founded our colonies. If a number of Englishmen, for 
reasons of their own, wished to transplant themselves across the 
sea, the state gave them its good wishes, perhaps also a patent 
or a charter, but it was with the understanding that they were 
to take care of themselves. It did not look for anything from 
them, and regarded their distant proceedings with extreme 
indifference. The interest and attention which they received 
from it were much of the sort which the ragged, unowned 
urchins, who play and thieve about in the streets, receive from 
the policeman : he would not, if he could help it, allow even 
them to be run over, and would perhaps interfere if they had 
provoked a thrashing. England certainly was long perfectly 
guiltless of any ambition or far-sighted designs in her colonies. 
Her modest aspirations never went beyond a humble factory or 
plantation, which should give her as little trouble as possible. Her 
colonies were the spontaneous and unprotected growth some 
of English conscience some of English discontent some of 
English adventure some of English crime, but none of 
English policy. The mother-country looked stupidly on, as the 
colonists struggled and quarrelled, and died of the fever, and 
were cut off by the Indians, and contrived nevertheless to right 
themselves. If she spared them governors, and a few useless 
troops, she thought she was doing a good deal for them their 
commerce was worth as much as that. But neither she nor 
they amid her own mismanagement and indifference, her desul- 
tory and slovenly policy, and their apparent weakness knew of 
the energy which all this veiled ; neither she nor they imagined 
that they were going through their apprenticeship, or dreamed 
of the future which was preparing for each. 

It was Spain which, first of modern nations, set the example 
of national colonization ; and even at this day, when the boast 
of Spain has passed to another empire, the history of colonies 
can show nothing more magnificent in plan, and brilliant in 
result, than that first instance. 

It was no question with her of petty settlements or factories: 
it was a New World, with kingdoms of its own, which had been 
given her to take possession of and inhabit ; and the Vicar of 
Christ had traced its limits, and assigned her the title. It 



186 The Early Colonial Church. 

kindled at once the enthusiasm of government and people. 
They entered without reserve into the full possession of their 
rich inheritance from sea to sea. It was received as an empire, 
and administered as an empire. The peculiar domain of the 
Spanish crown, it shared its splendours, and almost felt its 
presence. In the four great Vice-royalties of America, the 
majesty of the King was represented by great officers invested 
with all the circumstance and reality of government exercising 
to the full their master's prerogatives, and surrounded by the 
pomp of a court f modelled on that of Madrid :' and over them all 
presided the most august tribunal in Spain, the Council of the 
Indies. Capitals rose, with their squares and public buildings ; 
there were reproduced all the features and members, civil and 
ecclesiastical, of peninsular society, the etiquette and the 
aristocratic pride, priests and religious orders ; the Bishop in 
his cathedral, as well as the Viceroy in his palace. Every thing 
recalled the Old World, but recalled its splendours and civilisa- 
tion amid the riches and gorgeous beauty of the tropics. 

Compare with this vast and completely organized empire the 
shabby and miserable settlements of Englishmen in the North. 
The scene is in each case part of the contrast. Instead of a 
broad dominion, stretching without break from ocean to ocean, 
a country already in some degree subdued to the use of civil- 
ized man, .and overspread at once, and almost without resist- 
ance, by its invaders, a land glowing in southern sunshine and 
beauty, and teeming with riches of every kind, the English 
colonies were dropped one by one on the dreary sea-border, 
on the edge of the dark, damp New-England forest, among the 
bare sand-hills and low beaches of Virginia, or the muddy 
creeks and swamps of Carolina and Georgia. An uneasy and 
precarious location on this narrow strip, cooped up between the 
fierce Indians and the sea, was all that, for a long time, they 
pretended to : and here they fought out their hard battles 
against famine and scurvy ; against the bitter winters and the 
savages ; and amongst themselves. There was nothing inviting 
in these melancholy settlements except to despair or reckless 
adventure : they were places only for poverty and hard work, 
and the profits of coarse and rough labour : and few came to 
them w r ho had anything to hope for at home. Instead of the 
proud array and royal armaments of Spain, a few crazy ships 
.from time to time carried out small knots of dispirited exiles, 
some religionists, who found themselves uncomfortable, 
some adventurers, who had no better speculation open to them, 
some country gentlemen, who found time hang heavy on 
their hands; some malefactors, who had to be sent out of 
England; all of them little regretted, and soon forgotten at 



The Early Colonial Cfturch'. 187 

liome. Such was the style of English colonization ; it went on 
languidly and in detail ; Government had no plan or idea about 
it, and took no real interest in its distant subjects, as, bit by bit, 
they worked their way up the country. English in their basis, 
the colonies were not exclusively so : they were largely stocked 
by refugees from other nations. Each colony stood by itself; 
planted originally on a principle of its own, religious or civil, it 
endeavoured to maintain it by kindred laws and institutions, 
in framing which it enjoyed unrestricted liberty. New England 
witnessed for intolerant and belligerent Puritanism: Pennsyl- 
vania was found on a universally tolerant Quakerism, and the 
negation of the right of self-defence ; and while the ' Pilgrim- 
fathers' of New Plymouth were defying the Star-Chamber, and 
exulting in their deliverance from the surplice, in Massachusetts 
Bay, Lord Baltimore was opening an asylum for Roman Ca- 
tholics on the Potomac. At New York, popular and com- 
mercial, a fusion of races, English, Dutch, and Swedes, laid the 
foundation of the great capital of Western trade ; in Virginia, 
Lord Delaware's aristocratic cavaliers eschewed towns, lived 
on their estates growing tobacco, and stood out bravely against 
Cromwell. Later still, experiments were varied : Carolina had 
the advantage of being granted to a joint-stock company of 
eight lords and gentlemen, ' with the privileges of a County 

* Palatine as large and ample as those of the County Palatine 

* of Durham,' and a model of a Constitution * compiled by the 
famous philosopher, Mr. Locke;' in which, 'to avoid erecting 
a numerous democracy,' the renowned Constitution of the 
mother-country was bestowed with improvements and local 
adaptations on the Province. The eldest, for the time being, of 
the * lord proprietors,' among whom were Clarendon, Albemarle, 
and Shaftesbury, was to be Palatine ; for the remaining seven, 
great offices were created Admiral, and Chancellor, and Chief 
Justice, the ordinary dignities of a great court : there was an 
Upper House, and three orders of landed and titled nobility ; 
and in that privileged and aristocratic plantation its legislators 
were styled, not an Assembly, but a Parliament. Georgia was 
founded on the opposite plan ; meant to be an out-post against 
Spain, it was settled on Spartan principles of military simplicity 
and frugality, with a strict agrarian law, exact divisions of land, 
and exclusively male fiefs, and a rigid prohibition of either 
negroes or rum. But these artificial constitutions would not 
suit the settlers for whom they were made. Mr. Locke's Pala- 
tine of Carolina, with most of the Carolinian nobility of ' Land- 
graves,' ' Caciques,' and ' Barons,' staid in England, and soon 
gave up what they found to be a bad speculation : in Georgia, 
the 'tail-male grants' proved impracticable; and for want of 



188 The Early Colonial Church. 

rum in that sweltering and swampy country, the settlers died of 
fevers and agues. Thus each colony was from the first almost 
an independent state. It had nothing to do with its neigh- 
bours, whose principles were probably its abomination : it was 
left very much by England to do as it liked, and to look out for 
its own safety and interests. In such neglect and isolation the 
American colonists practised their strength, and learned their 
hardihood, keenness, and self-reliance. They grew up unnoticed ; 
clearing forests, or pursuing a rude and laborious commerce. 
Nothing can be more flat and unromantic, and devoid of inci- 
dent, than their early history : its records are about as interest- 
ing as those of a parish vestry or a municipal corporation. In 
one State only is there anything beyond instances of Puritan 
longwindedness and peevishness, or petty official insolence, or 
commercial sharp practice and vulgarity, or the adventures of 
Indian forest war. The early history of New England, when its 
settlers were fresh from the ferment at home which soon issued 
in the Rebellion, shows symptoms of a kindred spirit to what was 
working in the old country: they took to persecuting Ana- 
baptists and hanging Quakers, till they had to be stopped by an 
order from England ; and when ' their hands were tied up from 
persecuting Quakers,' their ferocious zeal broke forth in an- 
other direction, and in 1692 New England was a scene of a 

* Terror,' * on a smaller scale indeed, but not much less frightful 
than that of France one hundred years later ; only the fatal 
crime was, not aristocracy, but witchcraft. 

Thus, while the Spanish colonies were from the first the 
pride of Spain, dearly prized, and jealously watched, brought 
into the closest relations with the mother- country, and adminis- 
tered by a government as uniform and as dignified as her own, 
it was a long time before England aw^oke to the conviction 
that the gradual accumulation of her little heterogeneous settle- 
ments of private adventurers had grown up into a colonial 
empire worth caring for. Less than twenty years before she 
lost it, a writer, who is said to have been Mr. Burke, complains 
that she was not yet alive to the advantages which, without 
foresight or policy of her own, had been gained for her by the 
energy and courage of her scattered and neglected children. 

* The reader will see,' he says, on concluding his rapid but 
instructive account of the rise and fortunes of the various settle- 
ments, 'the reader will see how far the colonies have served 
' the trade of the mother-country, and how much the mother- 
' country has done, or neglected to do, towards their happiness 

1 Account of European Settlements in America : London. 1756. ii. 149. Some 
curious details are collected in 'Waylen's Ecclesiastical Reminiscences of the 
United States.' London. 1846. 



The Early Colonial Church.- 189 

r and prosperity. Certainly our colonies deserve, and would 
' fully reward an attention of a very different kind from any 

* that was ever yet paid to them.' 1 But the mother-country 
could not yet make up her mind to believe that they were 
worth so much attention ; or, till she had lost them, that such 
irregular and casual settlements could become so strong. 

Every thing in English America was the work of individual 
effort. When not even ambition, or the considerations of 
political safety, could rouse the State from its apathy and 
coldness, it is not surprising that it should have left to indivi- 
duals the charge of taking care of religion. The case was quite 
different in the great colonies of Spain. The extension of the 
Spanish monarchy into America would naturally, at all times, 
have carried with it the extension of religion also; but much 
more in the days of Isabella and Ferdinand the Catholic, when 
the zeal of the Crusades, long dormant in Europe, revived in 
the crown of Castile. The tenure on which they claimed to 
hold their empire involved the preaching of the Christian faith. 
It was for this purpose that they had received it from the Vicar 
of Christ. 'Pope Alexander VI.,' says Las Casas, 'in whose 
' pontificate the Indies were discovered, in virtue of the indis- 

* pensable obligation lying on him to procure the preaching and 
' propagation of the Faith throughout the world, was bound to 
f choose some Christian king, to whom he could commit the care 
' of providing for the advancement of the Universal Church, of 
' the Catholic Faith, and the worship of God, in the New World, 
' and for the conversion and salvation of the nations who inhabit 

* it ; and, for this end, he chose the kings of Castile and Leon." 
Privileges and exemptions, which, in Europe, had been the 
causes of fierce dispute between popes and kings, tithes, and 
patronage, and the absolute disposal of benefices, were freely 
lavished on the kings of Spain : and they fulfilled their trust 
with princely magnificence, and with their characteristic noble 
though not unalloyed zeal. As provinces were formed, and 
seats of government fixed, dioceses were defined also, and a 
hierarchy rose at the side of the great officers of the king, at 
the head of which stood the Patriarch of the Indies. The great 
orders first, the Franciscan and Dominican, and later, the 
Jesuits, with the nephew of their founder came over, and 
were naturalized in America. The religious establishment was 
simultaneous with the political, and on as grand, and complete, 
and exclusive a scale. 

Such a system was not to be looked for in the English 
settlements. The very origin and foundation of our colonies 

1 Account of European Settlements, ii. 285. 

1 Las Casas ; Prop. i. ii. xiv. xv. ; p. 195, 202. (Amst. 1698.) 



190 The Early Colonial Churdi. 

was Dissent. It could not be expected that the Church 
should be planted among populations whose very privilege it 
was to enjoy unrestrained sectarianism ; a privilege which 
they had purchased by leaving England. The very object of 
their being in America was to be without the Church ; there, 
Government connived at what it would not suffer at home, and 
having allowed them so much toleration, was not very likely to 
send the Church after them. Afterwards, when colonization 
ceased to be sectarian, it became mercantile: and the State, 
which kept so much aloof in political matters, and viewed its 
settlements very much as mere private and trading adventures, 
which it overlooked rather than directly governed, naturally did 
not interfere in religion. It would have been quite contrary to 
the whole analogy of its policy, if it had established the Church 
in the colonies; the apathy of the mother-country on this point 
is of a piece with the general want of interest which she mani- 
fested for so long towards them, and is not more wonderful. 

English America was the field for individual and unassisted 
efforts. The settler had nothing to back him : he had neither a 
great advancing population, nor a great political power behind 
him ; he stood alone, between the sea and the endless forest, and 
a mass of savage heathenism as deep and dense. But such hardi- 
hood and perseverance as his could safely be left to themselves ; 
and he made good his position. That plain, steady, individual 
sturdiness which planted an English population in America, 
without the aid of the mother-state, planted the English Church 
there also. The priest went out as the settler had gone. He 
had neither the strength of a great system nor the sympathy 
of a powerful body to support and cheer him: it was indi- 
vidual charity which sent him out, and his own brave heart, 
and homely unpretending " self-devotion, which carried him 
through his work. The personal energy which in forming 
settlements and in trade could do without encouragement, and 
quietly make its way through difficulties, was at work in the 
Church also. If it is a reproach to the English Church that she 
was so backward in organizing her system in the colonies, and 
that, when the state was indifferent and careless, she did not go 
beyond the state, and, without waiting for it, make use of her 
intrinsic powers it is, in an equal degree, a striking instance of 
her real and living force, that in spite of the neglect of her 
rulers, and the coldness of Government, and in a population so 
little disposed to be favourable to her, a scanty body of her 
clergy, undistinguished by anything except their plain and 
quiet faithfulness, were able to maintain and extend her 
influence, and to lay the foundation of a yearly increasing 
Episcopate, already as numerous as that of the mother Church. 



The Early Colonial Church. 191 

The ecclesiastical annals of the plantations are as barren and 
meagre as their political ones. You look in vain for great names 
or great deeds ; there are no traces among the clergy of striking 
ability, or of remarkable personal influence, and few of what 
might be more naturally looked for, original and strongly marked 
character. The present volume, which gives ' historical notices ' 
of them from sources usually rich in interest, their own writings 
and letters fails to recall their image with any vividness and 
distinctness. We rise from the perusal of it probably by no 
fault of the compiler's with the definite recollection of scarcely 
one of the many missionaries whose names come before us 
There is a sameness and uniformity about them all, and we try 
in vain to single out and realize individuals. All that remains 
is a vague but strong impression of heavy, wearing, single-handed 
work, with a minimum of external stimulus and compensation. 
They pass before us in succession, a band of poor, careworn, 
drudging, homely men, conscious of the small account that is 
made of their persons and their labours, yet pursuing resolutely 
and steadily their beaten round of duty. '\. here is no romance 
in the early missionaries or their proceedings. They are quite 
insensible to anything but the bare common-place business of 
their district : and it is seldom that they betray any conscious- 
ness that they are engaged on higher duties than those of a 
country cure in England. Nor is there any trace of the inqui- 
sitive and eager spirit which was so alive in many of the Roman 
Catholic missionaries to the wonders of the New World. Their 
daily monotonous, but heavy and wearisome, anxieties, absorb 
them, and seem almost to dull and weigh down their minds. 
Such is the picture which this book calls up in our minds : the 
general reader, whom the greatness of Xavier overawes, and who 
pursues with almost as much interest, if not always with as 
much admiration, the stirring or curious narratives of his suc- 
cessors, will see little here but a few hard-featured, uninteresting 
and unattractive figures moving about in scanty numbers among 
a coarse and rough population ; ordinary eighteenth-century 
clergymen, wandering alone in their rusty black suits, for hun- 
dreds of miles, through the uncleared forests, crossing in fear 
and trembling the perilous ferries, or struggling through the 
mud of the swamps. And yet these common-place eighteenth- 
century clergymen men of few words, and small pretensions, 
and humble aims were individually at work with an energy and 
determination which no system can secure, and which supply in 
great measure the want of system. Mr. Hawkins's volume can- 
not be said, as we have already intimated, to be what is usually 
called an interesting one ; but one conviction it does leave in the 
mind of the reader, who has toiled through its details, a convic- 



192 The Early Colonial Church. 

tion of the undeniable reality of the work of the early mis- 
sionaries. Their dull and matter-of-fact reports, stiffly and 
provokingly refusing us a glimpse of all lighter and more cha- 
racteristic features of themselves, or of the scenes and people 
among whom they moved, tell a story of constancy, and serious- 
ness, and success which cannot be mistaken. 

The English Government knew nothing of them ; the pro- 
vincial assembly, for the most part, knew nothing of them ; the 
Church of England, as such, knew nothing of them ; they were 
not overburdened with countenance or patronage ; a charitable 
society in London contributed a small pittance to their support 
an * encouragement ' of 50/. a year ; and thus provided for, 
they started in their round of itinerancy, and applied themselves 
to the work of conversion, with the same cool but indomitable 
activity, the same dogged and inflexible pertinacity, as the rough 
settlers and squatters who were gradually clearing the forests. 
Slow-tongued and unimaginative men, they found little to write 
home about, except the bare fact that they had travelled so many 
hundred miles ; baptized so many hundred peoph ; reclaimed so 
many Quakers and Anabaptists ; seen so many churches built, 
and found the work somewhat fatiguing. Statistical details are 
their favourite mode of representing what is going forward ; 
details which we read with carelessness, and value little ; which 
have little in them to awaken sympathy with their prosaic 
reporter, till we recollect that these details stand for the man's 
own sweat and labour ; that they speak of continual journeys 
in a wilderness, in burning heat, and blinding snow-storms ; of 
hunger and thirst ; of broad rivers perilously crossed ; of the 
Indian scalping-knife barely avoided ; of coarse and rude oppo- 
sition sought out and faced among the half-barbarized settlers, 
fanatic sectaries, or lawless unbelievers ; of a life such as 
this, sturdily persevered in, an enterprise undertaken single- 
handed and never abandoned, till its fruits became manifest in 
the aggressive and victorious appearance of the Church, in a 
land where she was meant to have no portion, and where every- 
thing seemed prepared and combined to exclude her. 

The early population of the colonies, with a continent before 
them, seemed to exult in the liberty they possessed, of struggling 
and pushing forward as far from one another as possible ; and 
the clergy had to adapt themselves to the spreading tendency 
of their flocks as they might. They talked of parishes, indeed : 
they were parochial clergymen, with vestries and church- 
wardens, and such other appendages of the home system. But 
their parishes were fair-sized provinces. ' The parish of Goose- 
creek was one hundred and eighty miles long, by ten or four- 
teen broad.' Mr. Boyd, of North Carolina, has ' North-west 



The Early Colonial Church. 193 

parish ' one hundred miles by fifty, and requiring a monthly 
ride of, at least, two hundred and sixty miles. Mr. Drage 
lives at Salisbury, a very eligible situation for climate and 
country, but with a district of one hundred and eighty miles by 
one hundred and twenty, and forty ' preaching places ' to look 
after. The following is the parochial round which Mr. Newnam's 
' vestrymen have laid out for him :' 

' The first Sunday I preach, going by water and land some few miles, at 
Esquire Duckenfield's house, large enough to hold a great congregation till 
we have built a church, which is hereafter to be called Society Church, and, 
in order to it, we are now making a collection through the whole parish. 
The second Sunday, I take a journey up to a place called Maherin, about 
forty miles off, where there are abundance of inhabitants, who also are 
making a collection to build a chapel forthwith. Third Sunday, I perform 
divine service again at Esquire Duckenfield's. Fourth Sunday, I go up to a 
place called Wicacon, about thirty miles' journey. Fifth Sunday, I cross the 
Sound to go to Eden Town, where the vestry there have also purposed to 
have a church built out of hand. Sixth Sunday, I go to the chapel on the 
south shore, about twelve miles by water; and so the seventh Sunday begin 
nt supra, except once every quarter I go up to a place called Ronoke, about 
eighty miles' journey, and the five last Sundays of the year the vestries do 
give me that I may go my rounds, and visit the remote parts of the country, 
where the inhabitants live some 150 miles off, people who will scarce ever 
have the opportunity of hearing me, or having their children baptized, 
unless I go to and amongst them.' Pp. 75, 76. 

The following extract from a little volume that has just come 
before us ' Memoirs of a Missionary in Canada,' ' will give a 
little more colour and filling up to these matter-of-fact details. 
The book itself, written after nearly thirty years' experience, 
and with unaffected honesty and much liveliness of description, 
recalls in a striking manner the ideas about early Missionary life, 
which are suggested by Mr. Hawkins's briefer notices ; and the 
real hard work and genuine earnestness of the writer himself, 
taken with the absence of any very high profession of self- 
devotion, make him a fair representative of his old prede- 
cessors in North America. 

' On Sundays, during summer, I performed divine service at one place 
fifteen miles off, at eight o'clock in the morning. Then in my own church 
at eleven. In the evening of the alternate Sundays, taking another horse, 
I rode nine miles to perform service in a schoolhouse at another settlement, 
about the same distance from my church, but in an opposite direction. 
During the winter I had only one morning service, and that in my church, 
and evening service only every third Sunday at each of the two settlements 
I have mentioned. This was owing to my taking in another station eighteen 
miles off. My labours at this settlement were generally, but not exclusively, 
confined to the winter, in consequence of the bad state of the roads, which 
were all but impassable during any other season. 

' Sometimes, indeed, they were bad enough even in winter : on one 
occasion I had a fearful journey of it. There had been a heavy fall of snow 

1 Murray's Home and Colonial Library. 
NO. LIII. N.8. O 



194 The Early Colonial Church. 

the day before, accompanied by a high wind, which drifted up the roads 
very much. In one place, about four miles from my destination, my horses 
fairly stuck fast : I sent my servant to a house, at a little distance, for a 
shovel, to cut out a path for my leading horse ; for I was obliged to drive 
two, one harnessed in front of the other, as one horse would not have been 
able to drag my sleigh over the heavy roads ; but the trifling favour was 
denied me, with many ill-natured remarks, on the " sinfu' practice o' 
breeking the Sabbath that gate : forbye travelling on that holy day." They 
" did na ken why sax days i' the week should na satisfee ony reasonable 
body." We had therefore to trample down the snow with our feet for more 
than a hundred yards, when the noble animals, as if instinctively aware of 
my anxiety to get on, plunged gallantly through of their own accord, after 
me. We soon afterwards got into the woods, where, of course, there had 
been no drifting, and at length arrived at our journey's end within a few 
minutes of the appointed time. The people, at least the greater part of 
them, had been waiting for me for hours. They had no clocks, they were 
all too poor in that settlement to buy them, and they were afraid of being 
too late. Our substitute for a church, a rude log-hut covered with bark, 
was crowded to suffocation. I read prayers and preached, and then ad- 
ministered the Sacrament to nearly twenty communicants. After which 
I christened three or four children, and churched as many women. 

' I visited this settlement the following summer, on Trinity Sunday I 
think it was, when I had a congregation of more than three hundred, far 
more, of course, than the log-hut would contain. I therefore performed the 
service in the open air, or rather, under the shade of the lofty and majestic 
trees of the forest. My voice was indeed, literally, that of " one crying in 
the wilderness." It was a wild and moving scene. The most gorgeous 
temple, with its Gothic arches, its groined and fretted roof, its marble pave- 
ment and its high altar, all faded into insignificance before the dignity of 
such a shrine as this. From my elevated position, on the trunk of a huge 
elm-tree, some five or six feet in diameter, and which had been recently 
felled, I cast my eye over the dense crowd of those sincere simple-minded 
Avorshippers of Him " who dwelleth not in temples made with hands." 
They were kneeling before me on the cold damp earth, amid the rank weeds 
of the wilderness, with the everlasting forest over their heads, and responded 
in one solemn and harmonious voice to my prayer to " God the Father of 
heaven to have mercy upon us." During the service I baptized four 
children.' 

The inconveniences of the parochial communications are dwelt 
upon with a frequency which shows how severely the incum- 
bents had been jolted, and how often their horses had floundered 
in the bogs. ' The roads are exceedingly bad,' says Mr. Chris- 
tian, the clergyman of five places, within a circle of thirty or 
forty miles radius : 

' The roads are exceeding bad, especially to Waccamaw, there being 
upwards of twelve swamps to cross, some of which are so deep that horses 
are frequently up to the saddle in crossing them.' P. 88. 

Or else, as another clergyman complains : 

' There are great rivers, from one, two, to six, twelve, and fifteen miles 
over, no ferry, neither will they be at the trouble of setting me over. He that 
will answer the end of his Mission, must not only have a good horse, but a 
good boat, and a couple of experienced watermen.' P. 67. 



The Early Colonial Church. 195 

The following simple-hearted and quaint account, from an 
old missionary in Connecticut, is the summary of a hard life ; 
and he continued it ten years longer : 

' As it is now forty years since I have had the advantage of being the 
venerable Society's Missionary in this place, I suppose it will not be 
improper to give a brief account how I have spent my time, and improved 
their charity. Every Sunday I have performed divine service, and preached 
twice, at Newtown and Reading alternately. And in these forty years I 
have lost only two Sundays through sickness, although, in all that time, I 
have been afflicted with a constant colic, which has not allowed me one 
day's ease or freedom from pain. The distance between the churches at 
Newtown and Reading is between eight and nine miles, and no very good 
road, yet have I never failed one time to attend each place according to 
custom, through the badness of the weather, but have rode it in the 
severest rains and snow-storms, even when there has been no track, and 
my horse near mining down in the snow banks, which has had this good 
effect on my parishioners, that they are ashamed to stay from church on 
account of bad weather, so that they are remarkably forward to attend the 
public worship.' P. 213. 

But these parish visits were by no means all the travelling 
which they had to go through. They were missionaries as well 
as parish clergymen, and were obliged to supply from time 
to time the large extra-parochial settlements, as they plunged 
deeper and deeper into the wilderness, or stretched further and 
further along the river banks. The following is an account of 
one of these journeys in Carolina. The writer's minute details 
of the * mighty inconveniences' of travelling, and of the ways 
of the settlers ; the surly Quakers of the ferry ; the magistrates' 
perquisite, 'which he did not like to deprive them of;' the 
ruinous expense of having so many rivers to cross ; are charac- 
teristic, and told with amusing gravity. The map of North 
Carolina, patched all over with green swamps, which also line 
the river banks, and with its broken sea-border of creeks and 
sounds 'ponds,' as Mr. Blair calls them may assist the reader's 
imagination : 

' I arrived amongst the inhabitants, after a tedious and troublesome journey, 
on the 24th of January, 1704; I was then obliged to buy a couple of horses, 
which cost me fourteen pounds ; one of which was for a guide, because 
there is no possibility for a stranger to find his road in that country, for if 
he once goes astray (it being such a desert country) it's a great hazard if 
ever he finds his road again. Besides, there are mighty inconveniences in 
travelling there ; for the roads are not only deep and difficult to be found, 
but there are, likewise, seven great rivers in the country, over which there 
is no passing with horses, except two of them ; one of which the Quakers 
have settled a ferry over for their own convcniency, and nobody but them- 
selves have the privilege of it, so that at the passing over the rivers I was 
obliged either to borrow or hire horses, which was both troublesome and 
chargeable, insomuch that, in little more than two months, I was obliged to 
dispose of the necessaries I carried over for my own use to satisfy my 
creditors. 

o2 



196 The Early Colonial Church. 

1 I found in the country a great many children to be baptized, where I 
baptized about 100, and there are a great many still to be baptized whose 
parents would not condescend to have them baptized with godfathers and 
godmothers. 

' 1 married none in the country, for that was a perquisite belonging to the 
magistrates, which / was not desirous to deprive them of. I preached twice 
every Sunday, and often on the week days, when their vestries met, or 
could appoint them to bring their children to be baptized. They have built 
in the country three small churches and have three glebes. 

' Besides such a solitary, toilsome, and hard living as I met with, there 
were very sufficient discouragements. I was distant from any minister 
120 miles, so that if any case of difficulty or doubt should happen, with 
whom should I consult ? And, for my travelling through the country, I 
rid, one day with another, Sunday only excepted, above thirty miles per 
diem, in the worst roads that ever I saw; and have sometimes lain whole 
nights in the woods. 

' I will now endeavour to show you how ineffectual a single man's labours 
would be amongst so scattered a people. In the first place, suppose him 
minister of one precinct, (whereas, there are live in the country,) and this 
precinct, as they are all, bounded with two rivers, and those rivers at least 
twenty miles distant, without any inhabitants on the roads, for they plant 
only on the rivers, and they are planted in length upon these rivers at 
least twenty miles. And to give all these inhabitants an opportunity of 
hearing a sermon, and bringing their children to be baptized, which must 
be on the sabbath, for they won't spare time of another day, and must be 
in every ten miles distance, for five miles is the farthest that they will 
bring their children, or w illingly come themselves ; so that he must, to do 
his duty effectually, be ten or twelve weeks in making his progress 
through one precinct. 

' You may also consider the distance that the new colony of Pamplico is 
from the rest of the inhabitants of the country, for any man that has 
tried it would sooner undertake a voyage from this city to Holland than 
that; for, besides a pond of Jive miles broad, and nothing to carry one over 
but small foroughs, there are above fifty miles desert to pass through, 
without any human creature inhabiting in it.' Pp. 65 67. 

There is an amusing honesty about several of these mission- 
aries. Without any attempt to make themselves interesting, 
they do not dissemble that they find their work hard. They 
work on all the same, as unflinchingly as if it were easy and 
smooth ; but they are sufficiently human to enjoy the solace of 
an occasional grumble, or of a matter-of-fact account of their 
troubles : 

' I am at last,' writes Rev. John Urmston, with a whimsical sort of 
querulous resignation, ' I am at last, together with my family, in manifest 
danger of perishing for lack of food. We have lived many a day only on a 
dry crust, and a draught of salt water out of the sound such regard have 
the people for my labours so worthy of the favour which the Society 
has shown them in providing Missionaries and sending them books. Mis- 
sioners, as the world goes, must be planters too, if they have families, or 
starve : the salary alone will not do. I am forced to work hard with axe, 
hoe, and spade. I have not a stick to burn for my use, but what I cut 
down vith my own hands.' 

There were glebes and parsonages in some places, but the 
residences, where the missionary was to be found when at home, 



The Early Colonial Church. 1 97 

were often of a very rough kind. Stingy vestries could not be 
got to provide anything more respectable or convenient than 
some dismantled and deserted building, such as the ' old 
tobacco house,' in which Mr. Rainsford was lodged, when he 
was posted on the western shore of Carolina, ' and had several 

* conferences with one Thomas Hoyler, King of the Chowan 

* Indians, who seemed very inclinable to embrace Christianity.' 
As late as 1 756, Mr. Macclenaghan was not better off in Con- 
necticut : he was a man of ' uncommon fortitude,' says the 
account, and 

' His residence was " an old dismantled fort, where the wind, rain, and 
snow had a free passage;" and it was moreover exposed to the frequent 
attacks of the Indians. He says that his head, his heart, and his hands 
were all employed in directing, encouraging, and fighting for his people. In 
another letter he describes the fatigues which he underwent as excessive ; 
all his journeys were by water, and he was " frequently obliged to tug at an 
oar.'" P. 225. .\ 

This ' fighting for his people,' which Mr. Macclenaghan was 
occasionally engaged in, recalls the rough days of unsettled 
Christianity in Europe. The military exertions of another 
missionary drew forth an eulogium, in a letter addressed, of all 
people in the world, to Mr. Penn. 

' In the difficult position in which he found himself, in a district exposed 
to the incursions of the French and the Indians, Mr. Barton was compelled 
to organize his own people for defence against their enemies. And so much 
did he distinguish himself by his zeal and activity in the cause of his country, 
that his conduct was thus spoken of in a letter from Philadelphia to Mr. 
Penn the proprietary : " Mr. Barton deserves the commendations of all 
lovers of their country ; for he has put himself at the head of his congre- 
gations, and marched either by night or by day on every alarm. Had 
others imitated his example, Cumberland would not have wanted men 
enough to defend it ; nor has he done anything in the military way but what 
hath increased his character for piety, and that of a sincerely religious man 
and zealous minister. In short, he is a most worthy, active, and serviceable 
pastor and missionary, and as such please to mention him to the Society.'" 

This hard service could not be carried on with impunity : 

' I don't expect,' writes Mr. Barton, ' I shall be able many years to per- 
form the duties of this mission. The fatigue of riding twenty miles to one 
church and eighteen to another, in the cold of our winters and excessive 
heat of our summers, has already much impaired my constitution, which 
I had reason to value as an excellent one. But I do not mean to complain.' 
P. 132. 

If the missionary's life was a hard and rough one, it was often 
soon over. In 1714, Mr. Clubb was appointed to a mission in 
Pennsylvania. 

' Mr. Clubb,' says Humphreys, " was very earnest in all parts of his 
ministerial office, and very successful in his labours, and happy in engaging 
the love and esteem of all his people. P. 115. 



198 The Early Colonial Church. 

In the following year the churchwardens announced his death 
to the Society. 

' Mr. Clubb, our late minister, was the first that undertook the cure of 
Oxford and Radnor, and he paid dear for it ; for the great fatigue of riding 
between the two churches, in such dismal ways and weather as we generally 
have for four months in the winter, soon put a period to his life.' P. 1 15. 

The early missionaries in the south drop off with fearful rapi- 
dity. Mr. Clayton and Mr. Marshall, two of the Society's first 
missionaries, arrive at Philadelphia and Charleston in 1696; 
' they are both carried off, two years after their arrival, of 

* diseases caught in visiting the sick.' Mr. Thomas succeeded 
Mr. Marshall in 1702: he died in 1706. Mr. Maule began in- 
1707 ' to ride up and down the plantations.' In Feb. 1716, 
he wrote as follows : 

' When I came into this country first, I thought nothing could hurt me ; 
but I find by experience that the climate can break even the strongest con- 
stitution. However, I do not repine; if I be but serviceable in my gene- 
ration, and answer the great ends of my mission here, I am satisfied not 
only to sacrifice my health, but (if that could be of any use) my very life, 
too, for the propagation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.' 

And in September he died, and left all his property, 600/., 
Carolina money, to the Society. Mr. Johnstone is sent out as 
Commissary in 1707: he was drowned in 1713. Mr. Ludlam 
arrived in 1724, and died in 1728, leaving all his little property 
to the Society which had sent him out. Mr. Adams went out 
to North Carolina in 1709. At first, in spite of 'abuse and 
contumelies in his own person,' a salary insufficient to pay for 
diet and lodging, and very hard work, he is cheerful and in good 
spirits * I bless the Lord, that I have my health so well.' But 

* after struggling for two years with a lawless and barbarous 
' people, 1 he had to resign ; and died before he could embark for 
Europe. Mr. Newnam came next, in 1722. We have already 
quoted his itinerary, which may explain his early death. 

'The following year, 9th of May, he informs the Society that he and his 
family had been suffering severely from the fever of the country ; that he 
had, however, resumed his journeys, and had baptized 269 persons ; and 
that he proposed immediately to set out for Bath county, where 300 chil- 
dren were waiting for baptism. But his labours and exposure in all 
weathers brought on severe illness, under which he sunk, in 1723, much to 
the grief of his people.' P. 77. 

Mr. Boyd, a provincial, was ordained missionary in 1732 : he 
had to preach in seven different places in a district one hun- 
dred miles by fifty ; 'in 1735 he had baptized one thousand 
children and thirty adults,' and won over a number of Anabap- 
tists to the Church in 1738 he died. There is the same history 
of overwork and exhaustion, and of pertinacity in spite of them, 



The Early Colonial Church. 199 

in the other provinces. We will only quote the account of a 
Nova Scotia Missionary in 1775 : 

' Besides the many hardships he had to undergo in his voyage along the 
coast, Mr. Bennet was in constant danger of being taken by the privateers, 
and had the misfortune to lose his schooner, which was wrecked, but with- 
out loss of life. Almost incessant labour and anxiety seem to have affected 
Mr. Bennet both in body and mind : and, in 1781, the principal inhabitants 
of Windsor, headed by Michael Franklin, Esq. member of the Council, 
addressed the Society in his favour. The ruin of his health and constitu- 
tion, they " attribute entirely to his indefatigable endeavours and unwearied 
exertions to perform the duties of his Mission." They state of their own 
knowledge, that he had " regularly attended four, and, part of the time, five 
different towns, some of which were twenty-five miles distant from Windsor, 
where he chiefly resided;" that " none of those towns could he come at, but 
by passing dangerous fords, almost entirely through woods ; and that his 
zeal to promote the established religion in those new settled countries, 
abounding with all sorts of sectaries, made him remarkably assiduous to 
convert those wandering people, who, not being able to maintain preachers 
of their own, were thus often induced to join in the public worship of the 
Church of England. The memorial then proceeds to speak of the fatigue 
and risk which he encountered " in going into all the numerous bays, har- 
bours, creeks, and rivers," along the coast; and of his forcing his way to some 
of the settlements through the wilderness, when the American privateers 
rendered a passage by water impracticable. In the preceding year he suc- 
ceeded in getting to Tatmagouche and Pictou; but in returning lost his 
way, and was detained a whole night alone in the woods. " The horror of 
this hopeless and dismal situation is supposed to have affected his under- 
standing, as it certainly did his health." On this representation Mr. Bennet, 
though disabled from performing any duty, was continued on the Society's 
list of Missionaries at a reduced salary.' 

Nor was it only hard work which thinned their numbers. 
Many of them could not begin to expose their lives on the Con- 
tinent till they had first exposed them on the Atlantic. Jn 
nothing did the want of a Bishop try the faith and zeal of the 
provincials more severely, than in subjecting them to this gra- 
tuitous hardship. No doubt many shrank from such a condition 
of orders; a condition which, besides the danger, involved 
expenses which the humble state of most colonial candidates for 
the priesthood could ill bear: but others went. They went, 
and some of them never returned. ' Twenty-five of us,' writes 
a Connecticut Missionary in the middle of last century, * have 

* gone a thousand leagues for Episcopal orders, of whom not less 

* than five have lost their lives, and several others suffered the 

* most dangerous sicknesses, and all at the expense of more than 

* we could well afford.' And the warmth of the following 
letter, written a few years later, will be excused, when it is stated 
that the writer, himself a convert from Presbyterianism, had just 
seen his nephew, whom he had educated at his own charge, and 
sent to England for ordination, drowned, with a fellow-clergyman, 
within sight of shore : 



200 The Early Colonial Church. 

' Such, alas ! are the misfortunes, and, I may say, persecutions, that 
attend the poor distressed Church of England in America, that, whilst the 
dissenters can send out an innumerable tribe of teachers of all sorts with- 
out any inquiries, we must send three thousand miles across the Atlantic 
Ocean, at the expense of all we are worth, sometimes, and as much more 
as we have credit for, as well as the risk of our lives, before we can have an 
ordination. This is a difficulty that has, and always will, prevent the growth 
of the Church in America. Few Englishmen that can live at home will 
undertake the Mission : the great expenses and dangers of the seas that 
the Americans must encounter with before they can obtain an ordination, 
damp their spirits, and force many of them (who have strong inclinations to 
the Church) to join the dissenters and become teachers among them. Thus, 
when a vacancy happens among them, it can be filled in an instant ; when 
a vacancy among tis, it is some considerable time before we can have a 
minister. All this time the dissenters are making such havoc among the 
Church people, that when a Missionary comes to one of these destitute 
places, he has all the work to begin again, and many years [must elapse] 
before he can collect his scattered sheep. 

' The dissenters very well know, that the sending a Bishop to America 
would contribute more to the encouragement of the Church here, than all 
the money that has been raised by the honourable Society for the Propaga- 
tion of the Gospel. Alas ! we see and feel the power of our enemies, and 
weakness of our friends, and can only mourn in secret and pray for better 
times. 

' I hope the Venerable Society will excuse my freedom in thus writing 
about sending a Bishop here, and only remember that, had a Bishop been 
in America, my nephew would not have come to such an unhappy end, nor 
I have been so distressed upon this melancholy occasion.' Pp. 125, 12G. 

The small-pox in England was hardly less an object of terror 
than the ocean ; London was like a plague-city to the provincial, 
to be escaped from as soon as possible. A writer from the 
colonies, introducing a candidate for orders to the authorities in 
London, betrays his fears : 

' There is one thing in particular wherein he desires your assistance 
viz. that you would do what you can to despatch his business speedily, 
because he has never had the small-pox, which he is fearful of, it having 
proved fatal to many New- England men in London.' P. 219. 

But the prize was worth the race. English America had to 
be won back to the Church, almost to Christendom. Those who 
went out from England expecting to find a Christian population 
from which to act upon the heathen Indians, had to ' begin from 
the beginning' with their own countrymen. They required 
missions in the full sense of the word. In the Southern 
provinces, indeed, the Church was professedly established. The 
* Lords Proprietors of Carolina had nrach to the dissatisfaction 
of the framer spoilt the symmetry of John Locke's constitution 
by inserting in it an article to this effect : J but its illustrious 
author might take comfort that it existed only on paper. 
Governor Eden's account of things, about fifty years after the 
colony had been founded, and two years before the ' Lords 

1 Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina ; Art. 96. (Locke's Works, iii. 676, note.) 



The Early Colonial Church. 201 

Proprietors' gave it up in despair to the Crown, shows how much 
they had done to support the Church which they so ostentatiously 
patronized in their ' Fundamental Laws.' 

' " It is now almost four months since I entered upon the government, 
where I found no clergyman upon the place except Mr. Urmston. one of 
your Missionaries, who is really an honest painstaking gentleman, and 
worthy of your care ; but, poor man ! with utmost endeavours, is not able 
to serve one-half of the county of Albemarle, which adjoins to Virginia, 
whereas the county of Bath is of a much larger extent, and wholly destitute 
of any assistance. I cannot find but the people are well enough inclined 
to embrace all opportunities of attending the service of God, and to contri- 
bute, to the utmost of their ability, towards the support of such missionaries 
as you shall, in compassion to their circumstances, think fit to send amongst 
them ; but our tedious Indian war has reduced the country so low, that 
without your nursing care the very footsteps of religion will, in a short 
time, be worn out, and those who retain any remembrance of it will be 
wholly led away by the Quakers ; whereas a few of the clergy, of a com- 
plaisant temper and regular lives, would not only be the darlings of the 
people, but would be a means in time to recover those already seduced by 
Quakerism."' P. 69. 

Such in the American colonies seems to be the meaning of the 
Church being ' established ;' in the latest of them, Georgia, 
where some disposition seemed to be shown in the first instance 
by the trustees to give the Church more than a nominal exist- 
ence, the case was the same. 

' Although the Church of England was established by law in Georgia, the 
province divided into parishes, and commissioners appointed to see to the 
erection of a church, and the setting off a glebe in every parish, yet all 
these provisions were nugatory, as no one seemed to consider himself re- 
sponsible for carrying them into practical operation. 

' In 1769 there were but two churches in the whole of Georgia, and these 
were 150 miles apart. The condition of the people may easily be imagined. 
" Without using any rhetorical figures," says Mr. Frink, " they seem in 
general to have but very little more knowledge of a Saviour than the 
aboriginal natives. Many hundreds of poor people, both parents and chil- 
dren, in the interior and extreme parts of the province, have no opportunity 
of being instructed in the principles of Christianity, or even in the being of 
a God, any further than nature dictates.'" P. 104. 

But on the other side of the Susquehannah the Church had 
barely a legal existence ; she was often not tolerated. There in 
its forbidding and gloomy paradise, emancipated dissent revelled 
and brought forth fruit ; there pressure of every kind being 
removed of authority, of tradition, of custom, of opinion 
Protestantism expanded into a hugeness unknown as yet in 
Europe ; there Burke was struck with a religion which was a 
* refinement on the principle of resistance ; the very dissidence of 
dissent, the Protestantism of the Protestant religion.' ' There seri- 
ousness and intelligence, as well as the daily growing mass of blind 
and wild extravagance, were leagued to keep out the Church. In 

1 Speech on Conciliation with America. 



202 The Early Colonial Church. 

the New England States, besides the effects of a system of popular 
education, singular in those times for its effectiveness, and 
entirely under the control of the Puritan clergy, the force of a 
rigidly intolerant law was directed against her. In 1730 a 
clergyman at" Boston was tried, convicted, and fined for reprint- 
ing Leslie's Discourse on Episcopacy. As late as 1743, the 
Independents of Connecticut enforced the acts of the ' Blue 
Code' against the Church : 

' In October of the same year he informs the Society that his people \vere 
building a Church in the hope of having a minister settled amongst them. 
" But the Independents, to suppress this design in its infancy, having the 
authority in their hands, have lately prosecuted and fined them for their 
meeting to worship God according to the Common Prayer ; and the same 
punishment they are like to suffer for every offence in this kind, although it 
is the common approved practice of the same Independents to meet for 
worship in their own way when they have no minister. . . The case of 
these people is very hard. If on the Lord's-day they continue at home, 
they must be punished ; if they meet to worship God according to the 
Church of England, in the best manner they can, the mulct is still greater ; 
and if they go to the Independent meeting in the town where they live, 
they must endure the mortification of hearing the doctrines and worship of 
the Church vilified, and the important truths of Christianity obscured and 
enervated by enthusiastic and antiuomian dreams.'" Pp. 204, 205. 

Lower down, where sectarianism was not organized as in New 
England, the Quakers, with a rabble of sects defying all classi- 
fication and description, preoccupied the country coarse- 
minded and foul-mouthed fanatics, who were eyery year exchang- 
ing their extravagant notions for open blasphemy and unbelief. 
Such was the religious temper which had already taken strong 
hold of the Plantations, before the Church began fairly to work 
among them. 

There can be no question, and no need to prove, that she has 
recovered her influence over a large proportion of those confused 
multitudes who broke away from her in England, or were 
brought up in ignorance or hostility to her, in America, Here 
we see the process. It was not by controversy, not by the com- 
bined and continual action of a system, that they were won 
over ; but by the individual efforts of a few simple men, almost 
lost in their wanderings in the huge mass of population. Year 
after year this handful went out, each one by himself, on their 
wide circuits, seeking out the lost and wandering, preaching and 
baptizing. They met with every variety of temper and recep- 
tion ; they found the people sometimes well disposed, sometimes 
indifferent, sometimes fiercely hostile. Sometimes they speak of 
'people making nothing of riding twenty miles to church, of 

* churches crowded every Sunday with people of every denomi- 

* nation, who come, many of them, thirty or forty miles,' of 

* people bringing their children a distance, between eighty and 



The Early Colonial Church. 203 

* two hundred miles, to be baptized.' One report is, that ' the 
' congregations were very numerous, and the people behaved 

* exceedingly well,' are * very devout and orderly,' ' are truly 
' serious and religious, and attached to the Church of England,' 

* the churches are filled on Sundays and holidays, and the 

* missionary is obliged to preach under the green trees for room, 

* for shade, and for shelter.' At other times they complain of 
' the vilest race on the face of the earth' 'a hotch-potch of 
'bankrupts, pirates, and enthusiasts;' that ' the Church-of- 
' England people are disheartened, and scattered like sheep ;' 
' the dissenters are making havoc among the church people.' The 
' Quakers in Paquimans, they write, are very numerous, extremely 

* ignorant, insufferably proud, ambitious, and consequently 
' ungovernable ; those of Pasquotank ' are still worse, and stir 
' up all the ignorant and irreligious' to insult the clergy and 
profane the sacrament; on the other hand, the Philadelphia 
ones would secretly come and ' stand under the church windows 
' at night, and many plucked up courage to come to the Church 
' itself, and were baptized.' Every shape and element of this 
motley population the missionaries had to encounter, and with 
every variety of success; now a few were reclaimed now 
many; one man is driven from the field and his labour lost; 
another is checked for a moment, and then rapidly triumphant. 
Still, looking on the whole body, they were steadily gaining the 
ground on which they had spread themselves. The spectacle of 
that hard life, so resolutely persevered in of a faith which spoke 
a common-place language, and showed none of the ordinary 
signs of enthusiasm, but which yet steadily carried men on to 
their lives' end in a rough and discouraging work of charity 
ANUS, on the whole, appreciated by the rude settlers. It told 
upon them sometimes more, sometimes less; but it told dis- 
tinctly, and in a peculiar way. The Christianity of these old- 
fashioned missionaries was too unexciting to take at all, unless 
it took in earnest. The people came to it from sectarianism, 
when they were tired of amusing and puzzling themselves with 
religion, and wanted to be serious at last. They came to it, not 
as a novelty, but as a refuge when novelty ceased to be an 
attractive element. There is a strong and deeply fixed instinct 
among many dissenters, an instinct often overborne, but often 
involuntarily disclosing itself that the Church is, on the whole, 
right that she is something higher in kind than the sects 
round her ; and this instinct would work more powerfully in the 
back-woods of America than in a cathedral town in England. 
Many returned to her when she sought them in the wilderness, 
who had been offended with her in her seats of grandeur and 
power. In many, who from long absence had forgotten 



204 The Early Colonial Church. 

her, the old hereditary feeling of attachment and respect revived 
when they saw her again. Thus she was built up, as the 
formal and dry statistics of the missionaries show, out of 
materials heterogeneous and waste; they reclaimed, they 
conciliated, they reanimated, they gathered into union, they 
took up the neglected and unclaimed, they restored Church 
ministrations to those who despaired of them they carried 
them to others who had never known them ; this is the purport 
of their uninteresting arithmetical reports. They tell, indeed, of 
loss and gain alternately, but they believed that they were 
steadily gaining; and the present American Church proves 
they were not calculating on bad grounds. 

The Quakers were the first body on whom the Church made 
an impression. The first missionary employed by the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel was George Keith, a man of 
more remarkable stamp of character than most of his fellow- 
missionaries. He had joined the Church from Quakerism; a 
man of great earnestness and ability, he had, while among 
the Quakers, endeavoured to carry out their principles with 
a rigorous logic, which the worldly and half-infidel leaders of the 
sect were not at all disposed to accept. He is mentioned by 
the liberal author of the ' Account of European Settlements in 
America,' as the single exception to be found to Quaker tole- 
ration. After mentioning the 'prodigious diversity of religions, 
' nations, and languages in Pennsylvania, Quakers, Churchmen, 
* Calvinists, Lutherans, Catholics, Methodists, Menists, Mora- 
' vians, Anabaptists, and the Dumplers, a sort of German sect 
' that live in something like a religious society wear long 
' beards and a habit like friars;' and, bursting into warm admi- 
ration of the * edifying harmony' in which they all live, he 
notices the shock given to it by the troublesome enthusiasm of 
Keith: 

1 I do not observe that the Quakers, who had, and still have, in a great 
measure the power in their hands, have made use of it in any sort to per- 
secute, except in the single ca?e of George Keith, whom they first impri- 
soned, and then banished out of the province. This Keith was originally 
a minister of the Church of England, then a Quaker, and afterwards re- 
turned to his former ministry. But whilst he remained with the Friends, he 
was a most troublesome and litigious man; was for pushing the peculi- 
arities of Quakerism to yet more extravagant lengths, and for making new 
refinements, even where the most enthusiastic thought that they had" gone 
far enough : which raised such a storm as shook the Church he then adhered 
to, to the very foundations.' Vol. ii. p. 193. 

Keith, after he had joined the Church, went out again to 
America, with a companion, on a mission of ' enquiry.' He had 
scarcely landed when his companion died. But a man of equal 
zeal and energy with himself, and of somewhat similar character, 



The Early Colonial Church. 205 

Mr. Talbot, the chaplain of the ship which brought him out, 
had already volunteered to accompany him. Talbot's letters 
are some of the most lively in the volume before us. 

They started in the autumn of 1702, and shortly after Talbot 
reports their proceedings to his friend * Mr. Gillingham.' He 
is hopeful and in high spirits, has his eyes about h'm, and has 
seen a good deal to strike and interest him; ' the priest who 
lived for half-a-year without a shirt' among the Indians, and 
got banished by Lord Bellamont, whom he asked for one, has 
plainly made an impression on him: 

* Mr. John Talbot to Mr. Richard Gillingham. 

' New York, 24th Nov. 1702. 

' My dear Friend, I take all opportunities to let you know that I live, 
and shall be glad to hear as much of you. Friend Keith and I have been 
above 500 miles together, visiting the Churches in these parts of America, 
namely, New England, New Hampshire, New Bristol, New London, New 
York, and the New Jerseys, as far as Philadelphia. We preached in all 
churches where we came, and in several Dissenters' meetings, such as 
owned the Church of England to be their mother Church, and were willing 
to communicate with her, and to submit to her bishops, if they had oppor- 
tunity. I have baptized several persons whom Mr. Keith has brought over 
from Quakerism; and, indeed, in all places where we come, we find a great 
ripeness and inclination amongst all sorts of people to embrace the Gospel; 
even the Indians themselves have promised obedience to the faith, as ap- 
pears by a conference that my Lord Cornbury, the Governor here, has had 
with them at Albany. Five of their Sachems, or kings, told him they 
were glad to hear that the sun shined in England again since King 
William's death. They did admire at first what was come to us, that vie 
should have a squaw sachem namely, a woman king ; but they hoped she 
would be a good mother, and send them some to teach them religion, and 
establish traffic amongst them, that they might be able to purchase a coat, 
and not go to Church in bear skins; and so they send our Queen a present, 
ten beaver skins to make her fine, and one fur muff to keep her warm. 
After a many presents and compliments, they signed the treaty, and made 
the covenant so sure, that they said thunder and lightning should not break 
it on their part, if we did not do as the Lord Bellamont did, throw it into 
the sea. 

' The Papists have been very zealous and diligent to send priests and 
Jesuits to convert these Indians to their superstitions. Tis wonderfully 
acted, ventured, and suffered upon that design; they have indeed become 
all things, and even turned Indians, as it were, to gain them, which I hope will 
provoke some of us to do our part for our holy faith, and mother, the 
Church of England. One of their priests lived half-a-year in their Avigwams 
(that is, houses) without a shirt ; and when he petitioned my Lord BMamont 
for a couple, lie was not only denied, but banished ; whereas one of ours in 
discourse with my Lord of London, said, who did his lordship think would 
come hither that had a dozen shirts? If I had their language, or where- 
with to maintain an interpreter, it should be the first thing I should do to 
go amongst the thickest of them. Mr. Keith says, if he were younger, he 
would learn their language, and then I am sure he might convert them 
sooner than the heathen called Quakers. Indeed, he is the fittest man that 
ever came over for this province. He is a well-studied divine, a good phi- 
losopher and preacher, but, above all, an excellent disputant, especially 



206 The Early Colonial Church. 

against the Quakers, who used to challenge all mankind formerly ; now all 
the Friends (or enemies rather) are not able to answer one George Keith ; 
he knows the depth of Satan within them, and all the dwellings and wind- 
ings of the snake in the grass. In short, he has become the best champion 
against all dissenters that the Church ever had ; and has set up such a light 
iu these dark places, that, by God's blessing, will not be put out. The 
clergy here have had a sort of convocation at the instance and charge of 
his Excellency Colonel Nicholson, governor of Virginia. We were but 
seven in all ; and a week together we sat considering of ways and means to 
propagate the Gospel, and to that end we have drawn up a scheme of the 
present state of the Church in these provinces, which you shall see when 
I have time to transcribe it; and I shall desire you to send it afterwards to 
my good brother Kemble. We have great need of a Bishop here, to visit 
all the Churches, to ordain some, to confirm others, and bless all. 

' We pray for my good Lord of London ; we cannot have better than he 
whilst he lives ; therefore, in the mean time, we shall be very well con- 
tent with a suffragan. Mr. Keith's mission will be out about a year hence; 
by that time I hope to get some tokens for my good friends and benefactors. 
But, as for myself, I am so well satisfied with a prospect of doing good, that 
I have no inclination to return for England ; however, be so kind as to let 
me know how you do, which will be a comfort to me in the wilderness. 
You know all my friends ; pray let them, especially my mother and sister 
Hannah, know that I am well, God be praised, and shall be glad to hear so 
much of them. I cannot write many letters, much less one two or three 
times over, as when I had nothing else to do. I pray God bless you and 
all my friends ! I desire the benefit of their prayers, though I can't have 
that of their good company. I know you will take all in good part that 
comes from Your old friend, ' JOHN TALBOT.' 

The next year he is in equally good heart 

' Philadelphia, 1st. Sept. 1703. 

' Sir, We have been the grand circuit from New England to North 
Carolina, and are now returned to the centre of our business 

' Mr. Keith and I have preached the Gospel to all sorts and conditions of 
men; we have baptized several scores of men, women, and children, chiefly 
those of his old friends (and the rest are hardened, just like the Jews, who 
please not God, and are contrary to all men). We have gathered several hun- 
dreds together for the Church of England, and, what is more, to build 
houses for her service. There are four or five going forward now in this 
province and the next. That at Burlington is almost finished. Mr. Keith 
preached the first sermon in it before my Lord Cornbury, whom the Queen 
has made governor of Jersey, to the satisfaction of all Christian people. 
Churches are going up amain, where there were never any before. They are 
going to build three at North Carolina, to keep the people together, lest 
they should fall into heathenism, Quakerism, &c. ; and three more in these 
lower counties about Newcastle, besides those I hope at Chester, Bur- 
lington, and Amboy.' Pp. 35, 36. 

Mr. Keith is doing good service : 

' Being zealous for the honour of the Church of England, which is the 
mother of us all, upon her account it was that I was willing to travel with 
Mr. Keith. Indeed, I was loth he should go alone, now he was for us, who, 
I am sure, would have had followers enough, had he come against us. 
Besides, I had another end in it, that, by his free conversation and learned 
disputes, both with his friends and enemies, I have learned better in a year 
to deal with the Quakers, than I could by several years' study in the schools. 



The Early Colonial Church. 207 

We want more of his " Narratives," which would be of good use here, 
where we often meet with the Quakers and their books; more of his 
"Answers to Robert Barclay" would come well to the clergy of Maryland 
and Virginia, &c. Barclay's Book has done most mischief ; therefore Mr. 
Keith's answer is more requisite and necessary. Mr. Keith has done great 
service to the Church, wherever he has been, by preaching and disputing 
publicly, and from house to house ; he has confuted many (especially the 
Anabaptists) by labour and travel night and day ; by writing and printing 
of books, mostly at his own charge and cost, and giving them out freely, 
which has been very expensive to him. By these means people are much 
awakened, and their eyes opened to see the good old way, and they are 
very well pleased to find the Church at last take such care of her children. 
For it is a sad thing to consider the years that are past ; how some that 
Avere born of the English never heard of the name of Christ ; how many 
others were baptized in his name, and have fallen away to heathenism, 
Quakerism, and atheism, for want of Confirmation.' Pp. 35, 36. 

But a Bishop is wanted, and he puts the case in' a common- 
sense way, to which it would be hard to find an answer : 

' It seems the strangest thing in the world, and it is thought history 
can't parallel it, that any place has received the word of God so many 
years, so many hundred churches built, so many thousand proselytes made, 
and still remain altogether in the wilderness, as sheep without a shepherd. 
The poor Church of America is worse on't in this respect, than any of her 
adversaries. 

' The Presbyterians here come a great way to lay hands one on another, 
but, after all, I think they had as good stay at home for the good they do. 
The Independents are called by their sovereign lord the people; the Ana- 
baptists and Quakers pretend to the Spirit; but the poor Church has 
nobody upon the spot to comfort or confirm her children; nobody to ordain 
several that are willing to serve, were they authorized, for the work of the 
ministry. Therefore they fall back again into the herd of the dissenters, 
rather than they will be at the hazard and charge to go as far as England 
for orders ; so that we have seen several counties, islands, and provinces, 
which have hardly an orthodox minister amongst them, which might have 
been supplied, had we been so happy as to see a Bishop or Suffragan apud 
Americanos.' P. 37. 

Later he urges this point again, with his characteristic 
energy : 

' I believe, and am sure, there are a great many learned and good men 
in England; and I believe also, did our gracious Queen Anne but know the 
necessities of her many good subjects in these parts of the world, she 
would allow 1,0007. per annum, rather than so many souls should suffer; 
and then it would be a hard case if there should not be found one amongst 
so many pastors and doctors (de tot millibus unus qui transiens adjuvet 
nos). Meanwhile, I don't doubt but some learned and good man would go 
further, and do the Church more service with 100/. per annum, than with a 
coach and six one hundred years hence.' P. 37. 

What this strong feeling ultimately led to, we shall see in the 
sequel ; meanwhile we will extract one of Keith's own reports 
part of his ' Narrative.' He is on his mission through New 
England; the Church has not yet found a resting-place; he has 
to preach among enemies or aliens, as St. Paul preached in 
the synagogues of the Jews. 



208 The Early Colonial. Church. 

< 15th Sept. 1704. 

' We went together from Boston to Lin, and next morning we went to a 
Quaker's house of my former acquaintance, and from that to the Quakers' 
meeting, 9th July, where, after I had kept silence until divers of their 
preachers had spoken, I offered to speak, but was rudely interrupted and 
threatened by them, and accused for transgressing the Act of Toleration ; I 
told them 1 had not broke it, for I did not interrupt any of their preachers. 
After this I remained again silent, and quietly sat down till they had all 
done, and then I rose up to speak, and offered to show them, in a friendly 
manner, how their speakers had perverted the Scriptures, and asserted 
many things of false doctrine. But most of them went hastily away, 
though some staid, with many that came to the meeting who were not 
Quakers, to whom I spoke many things with little interruption, until I 
took Edward Burroughs' folio book, which I brought with me from Boston, 
and began to read many antichristian passages out of it, which yet the 
Quakers did generally justify; and particularly Sam. Collins, and other 
Quakers, did boldly and earnestly defend that assertion, that the light within 
them, and in every man, was sufficient to salvation, without any thing else; 
the falsehood and hurt of which assertion, and how contrary it was and preju- 
dicial to the Christian religion, I laboured to convince them of, but did 
nothing prevail. Mr. Shepherd, the Independent minister of Lin parish, 
did civilly accompany us to the Quakers' meeting, but they treated him 
very rudely and abusively, as they did us, with abusive and ill language, 
as their constant manner is. 

' 10th July. We arrived at Hampton, and lodged at Mr. John Cotton's 
house, the minister of Hampton, where we were kindly entertained by him 
several days, and had much free discourse with him about religious matters, 
and the Church of England, to which we found him very favourable, as also 
we found divers other ministers of New England. At Mr. Cotton's request, 
both I and Mr. Talbot preached in his pulpit to his parishioners in their 
meeting-house (which they do not commonly call a church), the one of us 
in the forenoon and the other in the afternoon. I again, at Mr. Cotton's 
request, preached the Wednesday's lecture there; my text both days was 
Acts xx vi. 18 ; where was a great auditory both days. 

' 19th Sunday. I preached at Salisbury meeting-house, in the pulpit of 
Mr. Cushin, minister of that parish, at his request; my text was Philip, i. 
12, 13 ; and so did Mr. Talbot, the one of us in the forenoon, the other in 
the afternoon, where also we had a great auditory, many coming to both 
places from neighbouring parishes purposely to hear us, and who were 
civil, and showed great satisfaction, and so did the minister, who kindly 
treated us, and with whom we lodged that night, and whom we found in 
discourse very favourable to the Church of England. 

'161/iJuly, 1702. We went to the Quakers' meeting at Hampton, ac- 
companied with Mr. John Cotton, and where Mr. Cushin came to us, and 
very many civil people of both parishes came, who were not Quakers, hop- 
ing to have heard some fair dispute between the Quakers and me ; and 
there, at the Quakers' meeting at the house of Abraham Green, a Quaker, 
we heard two Quaker preachers ; the first was one Edward Wanton, a ship 
carpenter at Scituate, who spake about half an hour or more, but very 
ignorantly, and most grossly perverting several texts of Scripture, particu- 
larly John xvii. 3, and Rom. i. 19, which he brought to prove that the 
ignorant people there (to whom he addressed his discourse, and not to the 
Quakers), as he accounted them, had a little babe within them lying in a 
manger tinder the earth, to which if they would hearken, that little babe 
within them (meaning the light within) would give them the knowledge of 
God, which was life eternal : he confessed he could not read the Scriptures, 
and told them he hoped they would excuse him if he did not so exactly 



The Early Colonial Church. 209 

quote the words. After him another Quaker preacher, a planter, at Shrews- 
bury, in East Jersey, continued speaking very long, above two hours, and 
did mightily heat himself (as the sweat that ran down his waistcoat in 
great abundance did show) ; he also most ignorantly spoke many things, 
and grossly perverted and misapplied many texts of Scripture to prove the 
sufficiency of the light within to salvation, without anything else; and, as 
the Quakers' ordinary way is in their preaching everywhere, they have a 
set of texts of Scripture, which they commonly quote to prove the 
sufficiency of the light within to salvation without anything else, but 
which they miserably pervert and misapply; such as John i. 9 ; Rom. i. 19; 
John iii. 19, 20; John xii. 36; John xvi. 711; Rom. x. 68; Tit. ii. 11 : 
all which, and many more, Mr. Barclay, in his Apology, has produced in 
favour of the Quakers, and to all which I have fully replied in my Answer 
to his said book ; and many of these, and the like texts of Scripture, this 
Jedediah Allen did grossly pervert and misapply to prove his false doc- 
trines. And the like perversions of Scripture he used against Baptism and 
the Supper in the common road of other Quakers, as extant in their printed 
books. After he had done, having mightily tired and wearied all his 
hearers who were not Quakers, I offered to speak, but their preachers went 
away in all haste, and so did many of the Quaker hearers ; but a great 
many who were not Quakers, with the two New-England ministers, staid, 
and so did many Quakers ; and the house being very hot, all the people 
who were desirous to hear me, and several Quakers, with the ministers 
above mentioned, went out into a yard or orchard, being about the fourth 
hour in the afternoon, where they heard me about an hour refute the false 
doctrines and perversions of Scriptures which the two Quaker preachers 
had made.' Pp. 3841. 

The path which he thus opened was not left untrodden: and 
the indications which he notices of a disposition among many of 
the sectarians to return to the Church were not fallacious. In 
Quaker Pennsylvania the Churches increased in the course of 
less than a century from the foundation of the colony till the 
war of independence 'from five to two hundred and fifty. 1 
In Puritan New England the high places of sectarianism were 
not safe from the encroachments of this spirit : it attacked the 
Colleges. In 1722, not by any effort at proselytism from 
without, but by a spontaneous movement within, several 
graduates of Yale College, the President himself among them, 
gave up their preferment, and conformed to the Church: 

' On the 18th January, 1722-3, letters were read at a general meeting of 
the Society, strongly recommending to its regard and good offices Mr. 
Timothy Cutler, late President of Yale College : Mr. Daniel Brown, late 
tutor of the same; and Mr. Samuel Johnson, late pastor at Westhaven. 

' The history of their conformity is remarkable. They were intimate 
friends, of literary character, and an inquiring disposition. At the com- 
mencement of the eighteenth century, learning was at a very low ebb in 
New England, and those who had been educated in traditional hostility to 
the Church of England had but little chance of acquiring more correct 
notions on the subject of church government by the study of ecclesiastical 
history. But, about the year 1714, a library containing, besides many 
valuable works of science, several of the best writers of theology, as Bar- 
row, Patrick, Lowtb, Sharp, Scott, Whitby, and Sherlock, was sent over to 

1 Dorr's Church in Pennsylvania. Sec Hawkins, p. 140. 
NO. I,III. N.8. P 



210 The Early Colonial Church. 

the College, which was then at Saybrook. This importation was as springs 
of water to the thirsty land. 

' The young friends entered upon the course of study thus opened before 
them with avidity. The doctrines and practices of the primitive Church 
came under examination; and they could trace but little resemblance to 
the apostolic model in either the discipline or the worship established 
among themselves. This naturally occasioned them great uneasiness and 
misgiving. They determined candidly to re-examine the whole subject, 
and to read the best works on both sides of the controversy. The conse- 
quence was, that their doubts of the validity of congregational ordination 
were changed into a serious conviction that it was altogether without 
authority. The frequent meetings and conferences of the friends, two of 
them occupying chief places in Yale College, could not fail to excite atten- 
tion. The trustees became alarmed at the reports which were circulated 
on the subject ; and, accordingly, the day after the Commencement, they 
requested an interview with them in the college library. Messrs. Cutler, 
Brown, Johnson, Wetmore, Hart, Eliot, and Whittelsey, attended, and were 
desired, from the youngest to the eldest, to state their views on the matters 
in dispute. Thus challenged, some of them confessed their doubts of the 
validity of Presbyterian orders, while others plainly declared that they 
considered them invalid. This was in September 1722. They were 
entreated to reconsider their opinions, and a formal disputation was 
subsequently held ; but the ultimate result was, that three of them, 
Messrs. Cutler, Brown, and Johnson, determined upon resigning their re- 
spective stations, and seeking holy orders from the Bishops of the English 
Church. 1 Mr. Wetmore adopted the same course a few months later. 
Messrs. Hart, Eliot, and Whittelsey, although apparently preferring the 
episcopal regimen, yet not deeming Presbyterianism unlawful, remained in 
their old position ; honourably abstaining, however, from taking any part 
in opposition to the Church.' Pp. 174 176. 

They came to England and were ordained : one of them was 
seized with the small-pox a week after his ordination, and died 
in London ; the other two returned to America, and spent 
their lives in the service of the Church. 

We have already referred to the ' Memoirs of a Missionary 
in Canada.' We will borrow from it again, for the purpose of 
illustrating the way in which the influence of a Clergyman is 
found to gain on settlers originally Dissenters. The mixture 
of distrust, and unconscious and involuntary confidence is curious, 
and under the circumstances very natural. 

1 In my new charge I found the people, with the exception of two or three 
families, not only extremely ignorant concerning the things of the Church, 
but imbued with strong and deeply-rooted prejudices against her formulary 
services. They were all, save the exceptions I have mentioned, immigrants 
from the old settlements .in the eastern portion of the American States ; and 
were consequently the descendants of the " pilgrim fathers," from whom 
they naturally inherited some portion of that intolerant spirit which 
dictated their curious but characteristic system of jurisprudence, called 
" The Blue Laws of Connecticut." 

' Before, however, they commenced building their church they sat down 
and counted the cost, in more senses of the word than one. They kne\v 

1 The change in their views is said to have been effected mainly by ' Scott's 
Christian Life.' 






The Early Colonial Church. 211 

aud felt that, in conforming to our mode of divine worship, they would have 
to do violence to their feelings, and make great concessions and sacrifices : 
but better this, they prudently thought, than to see their children brought 
up in a state of utter ungodliness. In short, to pray out of a book, as in 
their simplicity they expressed themselves, was certainly better than not to 
pray at all. They did in reality try hard to overcome these prejudices ; and 
in a very short time I had the satisfaction of seeing them give way, one by 
one, under the system of instruction I had adopted, until few, if any, were 
left. With the rising generation, where the ground had not been pre- 
viously occupied, the good seed, with the Divine blessing, had only to be 
sown, when it sprang up, and flourished, and brought forth fruit. Indeed, 
all the people not only listened to me as they would have done to one " who 
spoke with authority," but they watched my conduct, even in the merest 
trifles, with a keen and a curious eye, not for the purpose of finding fault, 
as is too generally the case, but solely for the sake of following my 
example; and this in matters where I could little have expeciedit. For 
instance, my barn stood nearly in front of my house. It was a large, heavy, 
wooden building, forty feet long and thirty wide. I proposed to move it 
back some forty or fifty paces. Every farmer in the settlement came with 
his yoke of oxen to assist in what they all considered a hopeless undertaking. 
It was, however, accomplished: and, behold! in less than a week after- 
wards, the schoolhouse, which had been very injudiciously placed at one 
end of the settlement, was seen moving off through the fields to a more 
central position. I had brought with me a few fruit-trees to plant in my 
garden; in a few years every homestead had an orchard. I purchased a 
hive of bees ; at that time there was hardly such a thing in the whole neigh- 
bourhood. Before long, everybody in the place had one, not even except- 
ing a poor widow, who could not afford to buy one ; but, strange to say, a 
stray swarm came and settled in her garden. It was soon discovered, or 
imayined, that I had a most perfect knowledge of agriculture, and my 
management of my farm became the practice of the parish. A roller, for 
instance, had never before been seen in the parish ; now there is hardly a 
farmer without one. The turnip had never been cultivated; now the 
Agricultural Society of the district award prizes annually to the three best 
crops of that useful root.' 

The main object of the early missionaries was, as is well 
known, to keep religion alive in the European population ; but, 
though they could ill be spared for any other duties, they kept 
the claims of the negroes and native Indians before their eyes, 
and taught them as they were able. In spite of the opposition 
of the slave-owners, who had an idea that a ' slave who was 
christened became free,' 1 they opened schools for them they 
baptized them, they taught them to value the marriage service. 
The Indians were a far more difficult class to make an impression 
upon. The Puritans of New England, to their great credit it 
must be spoken, were the first to set the example of endea- 
vouring to win over savages by peaceful and Christian means: 
and they appear, for a time at least, to have found in them apt 
pupils in a form of worship not uncongenial to the excitable 
melancholy of the Red men : 

1 Hawkins, p. 73. 
P2 



212 The Early Colonial Church. 

'How the ordinary congregations among the Indians are inclined,' 
says the Report of the New-England ministers in 1704, 'and how in- 
structed, may be a little apprehended from some lines in a letter now 
lying before us, dated not many weeks ago, from a very valuable servant 
of God, namely, Mr. Samuel Danforth ; he says, " They met me at 
Little Compton, about two months since, to hear me preach. Had you 
been there with me to see how well they filled up the seats, with what 
gravity they behaved themselves, what attention they gave, what affection 
they showed ; how powerfully Paicquachoise (an Indian) prayed (for I put 
him upon it to pray, having never before heard him pray, and being willing 
to have some trial of his ability in order to his approbation for office) ; how 
melodiously Jonathan George (another Indian) set the tune for the psalms, 
and carried it out ; and how dexterously the young lads of twelve years old 
could turn to the proofs throughout the sermon ; and how thankful they 
were to me at the last that I would take so much pains as to come so far 
from home to preach to them, I am sure you would be much affected with 
it.' Pp. 260, 261. 

Another of their correspondents notices the same feature 
their love of the ' exercises' which the Puritans had taught 
them: 

' He says, " You may remember that yourself, with some others, were 
pleased once to bear me company to a lecture to Assawanpset, and were an 
eye-witness of their grave, serious, attentive deportment in their exercises, 
and of their excellent singing of psalms with most ravishing melody. They 
begin their exercises with prayer ; they sing a psalm, they preach, and so 
conclude with prayer. The administration of Sacraments among them is 
like ours, and as they were taught by their apostle Eliot. His name is of 
wonderful authority among them ; and the rules he gave them for the form 
of marriages among them, and for admonitions and excommunications in 
their Churches, are not to be found fault with by any, but it will provoke 
them." 'P. 262. 

Later still, the Jesuits in Canada claim to have had equal 
success. But accounts varied. The Jesuit reports were not 
always confirmed by the experience of others ; and with 
respect to the New-England converts, 

' Mr. Elias Neau, a catechist who was sent out specially for the instruc- 
tion of the Indians and Negroes, and who laboured most devotedly amongst 
them, says, " I have been nineteen years in this country ; I have seen the 
Indians of New England, and formerly I knew Mr. Eliot, who took much 
pains with them ; but I never see any of them that were true converts, 
although these gentlemen boast of the conquest that they have made over 
souls ; but must needs say, that if the purity of manners be not joined with 
that of doctrine, I have no good opinion of such professors of Chris- 
tianity." 'P. 263. 

The early reports of the missionaries who were sent among 
them by the Society are honest, and almost uniformly discourag- 
ing. { I have frequently conversed with some of them,' writes one, 

* and been at their great meetings, of " pavcamng" as they call 

* it. I have taken some pains to teach some of them, but to no 
' purpose, for they seem regardless of instruction ; and when 
' I have told them of the evil consequences of their hard drink- 
' ing, &c., they replied, the Englishmen do the same, and that 



The Early Colonial Church. 213 

it is not so great a sin in an Indian as in an Englishman, 
because an Englishman's religion forbids it, but an Indian's 
does not.' Later still, in 1718, another writes in the same 
tone of hopelessness : 

' Heathens they are, and heathens they will still be. There are a few, 
and but a few, perhaps about fourteen or fifteen, whose lives are more 
regular than the rest.' They showed no devotion in church, where they 
came to get a dinner, and slept most of the time. They frequently spent 
the Sunday in a hunting excursion. He sums up his description of their 
character in the following words : "They are a sordid, mercenary, beggarly 
people, having but little sense of religion, honour, or goodness among them ; 
living generally filthy, brutish lives : they are of an inhuman, savage 
nature; kill and eat one another." And in another letter, dated six months 
later, he states, " that though he had been by the death-beds of several 
among them, he did not remember to have seen any one of them that he 
could think penitent." 'Pp. 268, 269. 

Still the missionaries persevered. Mr. Miln { used to visit 
' the Mohawks four times a year, and remain five days with 
' them at each visit.' The English commander at Albany 
wrote home, that improvement was becoming visible : 

'The commanding officer of the garrison wrote to the Society, in 1731, 
that Mr. Miln had taken indefatigable pains in instructing the Indians in 
the principles of the Christian religion ; and, in 1735, he repeated and con- 
firmed his favourable testimony, stating, " that the Indians were very much 
civilized of late, which he imputed to the industry and pains of the Rev. 
John Miln ; that he was very diligent in baptizing both children and adults ; 
and that the number of the communicants was daily increasing." The same 
authority added, that " many of the Indians are become very orderly, and 
observe the Sabbath." ' Pp* 283, 284. 

Mr. Barclay, who had been a catechist among them, was sent 
over to England to be ordained. He appears to have found 
out the secret of influencing them. * On his return, he was 
' welcomed with hearty good will by both his congregations, 

* especially by the poor Indians ; who, many of them, shed tears 

* of joy.' His Mohawks learn to behave properly in church; 

' On occasion of the gathering of the Six Nations to renew their league 
of friendship with the English, he preached to large numbers of them, and 
had the satisfaction of being understood by all the Indians, while the Mo- 
hawks behaved so devoutly, and made their responses so regularly, as to 
excite the admiration of all the congregation.' P. 284. 

He manages to keep down drunkenness ; ' not so many cases 
' occurring in a summer as frequently occurred in a single 
' day on his first coming among them.' At last he is able 
to write home, that two or three only of the whole tribe 
remain unbaptized; and he is able to trust some of them with 
teaching others ; he has appointed two schoolmasters, 

' Cornelius, a sachem, at the lower, and one Daniel, at the upper town, 
who are both very diligent, and teach the young Mohawks with surprising 
success.' I*. 285. 



214 The Early Colonial Church. 

But a war, or the loss of their teacher, brought back old 
habits, and exposed them, without protection, to the bad in- 
fluences of European traders. An invasion of the terrible and 
untameable Iroquois, the scourge of North America, undid 
most of Mr. Barclay's work. Still they continued to profess 
Christianity ; their teachers recovered their influence from time 
to time ; and in spite of their difficulties, and the smallness of 
their number, and the painful sense of neglect, they persevered 
with the characteristic obstinacy of most of our American Mis- 
sionaries. 

This unflinching resolution has been noticed before ; it is in 
fact the feature in their character, that, after a long undistin- 
guished series of them has passed before the reader's mind, 
remains impressed on his memory ; it is their peculiar and 
crowning virtue, the one by which they earned their harvest and 
reward, and by which they ought to go down to future genera- 
tions of the Church. Christian faith shows itself differently, and 
characteristically, in different men, and different bodies of men; 
for instance, in the special excellences of the different religious 
orders ; so among these men it showed itself, not perhaps in its 
most graceful, or touching, or inviting, but not the less in one 
of its highest forms inflexibility tough, determined, hard 
pertinacity. It was the virtue of the new Colonies the Mis- 
sionaries showed it in the service of the Church. No body of 
men, employed as they were, made less show, or had fewer 
points to excite interest, or extort admiration ; and we know 
of none so plainly bearing the marks of thorough genuineness 
and soundness of heart of honest, unconscious devotion to 
their work. Homely men of unpractised intellect, and with- 
out much refinement of feeling, they seldom show in it any 
elevated feelings or expansion of heart it is their ordinary 
business. Never does a syllable escape their pen which betrays, 
in the faintest degree, either in its good or its bad shape, anything 
which could be called sentiment. The world round them, moral 
and material, is all as flat and tame to them as a Quaker's drab- 
. coloured suit ; they have no eyes or thought except for the 
persons and spiritual safety of concrete individual Anabaptists, 
and Dumplers, and Red-Skins, with whom they happen to come 
in contact. There is no visible fervour or enthusiasm about 
them ; if they wish to express sorrow, they grumble ; if the 
contrary, they express their feelings of content as ungracefully. 
Heavy, dry men, of a very narrow range of ideas, with imagi- 
nations spell-bound to common-place, and by no means stuff 
to make heroes out of, they were hard, steady workers, 
men of fixed principle and firm purpose. There was much to 
try both, not merely in the external difficulties and opposition, 



The Early Colonial Church. 215 

which every Missionary makes up his mind to, but in their 
peculiar position. Ministers of a visible Church and a sacra- 
mental system, they found the mass of society round them con- 
tradicting both, and but little in their own circumstances to 
keep up their own sense of either. They were left to them- 
selves, without control or advice; with every temptation to 
compromise and relax, to slight discipline, and imitate the more 
popular doctrines and forms of the Dissenters ; with very much 
to try their loyalty and attachment to the Church. But in 
spite of neglect and discouragement, they stick doggedly to her 
to her practices and orders. She trusts them, rashly, we must 
say, and unkindly, by themselves in the wilderness ; but she can 
trust them safely ; her hold on them is strong enough. She 
forces them to come 3,000 miles for Orders, and they come : 
case after case occurs, of men giving up, not merely employ- 
ments, but the preferment and station which they held as Dis- 
senters, to cross the sea on this dangerous errand. They are all 
cast in one mould, and that a strictly ecclesiastical one ; with 
the smallest stock of learning, they are habitually imbued with 
a strong Church feeling ; their teaching is of one kind stiff, 
formal, wanting in warmth and feeling, and variety so it 
appears to many but at least, steadily and sturdily orthodox 
a teaching which makes much of the Sacraments; which is severe 
and intolerant to vice, however disguised, and lays its chief stress 
on a life of quiet plain obedience. No doubt if we knew them 
better, we should see all those shades of character, and variety of 
power and genius, which make the most private circle full of 
such marked differences among its members, and so different 
also from its first aspect ; but such a memorial of these men is 
perished. Little remains of them but this that they taught, 
not merely any form of Christianity, but the definite creed and 
religion of the English Church : and that through good report 
and evil, in hardship and solitude, left without sympathy and the 
consolation of companionship, their faith in her never wavered. 
This is shown in the part taken by the Clergy in the war of 
independence. This is not the place to discuss the merits of the 
insurgent cause. But it was an occasion which made men take 
their sides, and abide the result: and, to an American, the 
temptation must, we cannot help thinking, have been very 
strong, to think his countrymen ill-used. In most it was a 
severe trial of the force of opposite principles. In the Clergy, 
almost to a man, the tie of the Church was at once decisive. 
Their attachment to the Church carried them, with an indif- 
ference, which no doubt many now would rather wonder at than 
admire, through the provocations which so galled their fellow- 
provincials. They were not philosophers, not politicians: it 



216 The Early Colonial Church. 

may be said, not patriots : they certainly thought that the obli- 
gations which the Church had laid them under to a particular 
temporal authority absolutely superseded every other : but they 
stuck to the Church, when mixed up with an unpopular cause, 
with the same unflinching steadiness with which they had stuck 
to their missions. They had been taught loyalty ; when poli- 
tical events made it a dangerous doctrine, they were not shaken 
in their belief: they professed it as strongly as ever, and took 
the consequences. And they were severe ones. The royalist 
Clergy suffered most things short of violent death ; and more 
than once, the prison and ill-usage did as much as the execu- 
tioner could have done. 

And yet to these men, the English Government had steadily 
refused the boon of a resident Bishop. The claim to have 
one, was a claim of simple sheer necessity. It is quite under- 
stating its force, to put it upon grounds of ecclesiastical 
propriety and order, much more on grounds of political advan- 
tage. We cannot for ourselves think that the course of things 
at the Revolution would have been much influenced by even a 
numerous Episcopate : the seeds of independence were far too 
deeply sown in the temper and constitution of the Colonies ; but 
it sounds almost like trifling, to allude to such a reason, even if 
based on probability, for sending Bishops to America. The claim 
was more even than that most natural one for advice and govern- 
ment, and for the enjoyment of those sacred rites which are 
appropriate to the Episcopate : it was a claim to be spared the 
gratuitous sacrifice of life. The claim is expressed in the follow- 
ing extract, in reference to a case already alluded to : 

' We have lately had a most affecting account of the loss of Messrs. 
Giles and Wilson, the Society's Missionaries, the ship they were in being 
wrecked near the entrance of Delaware Bay, and only four persons saved 
out of twenty-eight. Their death is a great loss in the present want of 
clergymen in these colonies ; and, indeed, I believe one great reason why 
so few from this continent offer themselves for holy orders is, because it is 
evident from experience that not more than four out of five who have gone 
from the northern colonies have returned. This is one unanswerable argu- 
ment for the absolute necessity of bishops in the colonies. The poor Church 
of England in America is the only instance that ever happened of an epi- 
scopal church without a bishop, and in which no orders could be obtained, 
without crossing an ocean of 3,000 miles in extent.' P. 300. 

A very * unanswerable argument,' indeed ; which is reiterated 
over and over again. The following, for instance, is pithy and 
intelligible : 

' Now, at the same time, my lord, there are a considerable number of 
very promising young gentlemen, five or six I am sure of, and those the best 
that are educated among us, who might be instrumental to do a great deal 
of good to the souls of men, were they ordained, but for the want of episcopal 



The Early Colonial Church. 217 

ordination decline the ministry, and go into secular business, being, partly 
from th emselves, and partly through the influence of their friends, unwilling to 
expose themselves to the danger of the seas and distempers ; so terrifying 
has been the unhappy fate of Mr. Browne. So that the fountain of all our 
misery is the want of a bishop, for whom there are many thousands of souls 
in this country do impatiently long and pray, and for want do extremely 
suffer." Pp. 386, 387. 

They had been * longing and praying' ever since the Colonies 
were planted; every mail that reached England, brought the 
same cry: it was repeated in letters and reports, representa- 
tions and remonstrances, public and private, from missionaries 
and ' considerable persons,' from governors, churchwardens, 
and vestries in all parts of the country: year after year, 
every possible mode of importunity was resorted to. And 
it was not without support in England. The Propaga- 
tion Society sent in its memorials also : it e was at the 
charge' of buying land for episcopal residences ; l unknown 
benefactors ' gave donations ; and Archbishops ' surely no high 
churchmen' left legacies. Bishops preached about it, had 
interviews with the great officers of state, presented addresses 
to the Crown : nay, an Archbishop of Canterbury wrote a 
pamphlet, to answer objections against the plan. But it was all 
in vain : prime ministers were most courteous, but nothing could 
be done. It was the age of State patronage and Church humi- 
liation all over the world, and court favourites were every 
where exulting in what they could do, and could prevent. At 
the same time that the Regent Orleans was making Cardinals 
in France, Sir R. Walpole was politely shelving Colonial Bishops 
in England. There seemed a kind of fate against them. In 
Laud's bold and sweeping policy, the appointment of a Bishop 
for New England had a place ;* this, of course, was stopped by 
his troubles. At the Restoration, Clarendon took up the subject 
again. A patent was actually made out for a Bishop of Virginia ; 
but the * Cabal' ministry came in, and found something else to 
do with his salary. The checks are most provoking to read of. 
At the last Convocation, Archbishop Sharpe made some pro- 
posals about Bishops in the plantations : * but my Lord of London 
teas not there, and so the thing dropped.' Queen Anne returned 
a favourable answer to an address from the Propagation Society, 
and shortly afterwards died. They memorialized her successor, 
stated their own exertions, the wishes of the Colonies, suggested 
a plan, offered land and episcopal residences, and appealed to the 
royal bounty for assistance : but Sir R. Walpole was a cautious 
man, and a Bishop in America might encourage Jacobitism, 

1 Hawkins, ch. xvii. where the history of the ' Struggle for the Episcopate ' is 
collected. 



218 The Early Colonial Church. 

One Bishop of London was bold enough to send over for a 
clergyman from Maryland, to consecrate him Suffragan; but 
' Mr. Colebatch was served with a writ ne exeat regno ; and 

* so this scheme, like others, fell to the ground.' The Bishops 
of London naturally enough found the charge an inconvenient 
one ; as Sherlock puts the case to his correspondent, Dr. Dod- 
dridge : 

' For a Bishop to live at one end of the world and his Church at another, 
must make the office very uncomfortable to the Bishop, and, in a great 
measure, useless to the people.' P. 391. 

But though Dr. Doddridge possibly might have been reason- 
able on the subject, his dissenting brethren were jealous enough, 
and formidable enough, to make Sherlock's appeal to the King 
of no effect. Seeker took up the subject with much interest, 
and with equal success. It was true that ' Lord Willoughby, of 

* Parham, the only dissenting peer, and Dr. Chandler, have 

* declared, after our scheme was laid before them, that they saw no 
' objection against it :' true, also, that ' the Duke of Bedford, Lord 

* President, hath given a calm and favourable hearing to it, hath 

* desired it might be reduced to writing, and promised to consult 

* about it with the other ministers, at his first leisure.' But 
though Lord Willoughby and Dr. Chandler were so condescend- 
ing and liberal, and the Duke of Bedford so benignly gracious, 
the plan came to nothing. Probably his Grace had no ' leisure.' 
Seeker worked on still importuned ministers; got promises, 
interested the King, but could not interest his ministers ; they 
were fully occupied with intrigues and changes ; * proper persons 
could not be persuaded to attend? when they were wanted. 

' In the latter end of Mr. Grenville's ministry, a plan of an ecclesiastical 
establishment for Canada was formed on which a Bishop might easily have 
been grafted, and was laid before a committee of council. But opinions 
differed there, and proper persons could not be persuaded to attend ; and in a 
while the ministry changed. Incessant application was made to the new 
ministry : some slight hopes were given, but no step taken. Yesterday the 
ministry ivas changed again, as you may see in the papers ; but whether any 
change will happen in our concern, and whether for the better or the 
worse, I cannot so much as guess.' P. 393. 

At length the war burst out, and then, of course, objections 
became insuperable besides, ministers had other things to think 
of. Such is the miserable and shameful history, as Mr. Hawkins 
draws it out, of the * Struggle for the Episcopate.' 

But though, as we have said, the grievance was painfully felt, 
and in some of its consequences one of the most irritating kind, 
the steadiness of the clergy was equal to the trial : they com- 
plained, but worked on as resolutely and earnestly as if they had 



The Early Colonial ChurcJi. 219 

been listened to. In one or two cases only, the contemptuous neg- 
lect of England produced serious consequences. We have already 
quoted some letters of a certain Mr. Talbot, an energetic stirring 
man, whom we saw then full of hope and spirits, at the prospects 
opened to his zeal, during his visit of inquiry with Mr. Keith. 
But in the course of years we find his tone changed. The daily 
unaided labour of a missionary's life he found to be a rude tamer 
of too eager expectations. No intermission, no refreshment 
miles and miles of country dependent on the health and energy 
of one man even he finds his heart sinking : 

' I got home about our Lady-day [1 708], where I was very welcome to 
all Christian people, but alas ! 1 could not stay. I am forced to turn 
itinerant again, for the care of all the churches from East to West Jersey 
is upon me ; what is the worst, I can't confirm any, nor have not a Deacon 
to help me.' P. 144. 

Six years pass, and still no relief, no sign of sympathy from 
home ; his enthusiasm turns to bitterness, and he begins to think 
of giving up his post : 

' In 1714, Mr. Talbot, disheartened at the want of support, and enfeebled 
by sickness, requested permission of the Society to come home. " For all 
this province of West Jersey," he says, Oct. 28, 1714, " there never was any 
Minister of Christ's Church settled but myself. I have built three churches 
since I came here, but have nobody to help them nor myself neither. We 
have had a very [sickly] time this year ; I have buried more than in ten 
before, and many Christian people died that had nobody to visit them when 
sick, nor bury them when dead. Let them that have the watch, look out ; 
'tis they must give account ; I am clear of the blood of all men abroad and 
at home, and so I hope to keep myself. The Society were once upon a 
good resolution to send Deacons to be schoolmasters ; if they had done so 
to Burlington, to Bristol, or to Hopewell, they might have kept the church 
doors open : they could read the prayers and homilies, baptize and cate- 
chise, they could visit the sick, and bury the dead, but now they must 
bury one another." ' Pp. 144, 145. 

But he wavers only for a time ; his hopelessness and discon- 
tent are growing ; but he still holds on ; he will not flinch not 
even if he wants ' tobacco ! ' 

' In May, 1718, he writes to the secretary of the Society, " All your Mis- 
sioners hereabouts are going to Maryland, for the sake of themselves, their 
wives, and their children. For my part, I cannot desert the poor flock that 
I have gathered, nor will I, if I have neither money, credit, nor tobacco. 
But if I had known as much as I do now, that the Society were not able for 
their parts to send neither Bishop, Priest, nor Deacon, Lecturer nor Cate- 
chist, I would never have put the people in these parts to the charge and 
trouble of building churches ; nay, now they must be stalls or stables for 
Quakers' horses, when they come to market or meeting." ' P. 146. 

* A more honest, fearless, and laborious missionary, the So- 
ciety never had,' writes an American Church-historian : but his 
patience gave way at last. He had long and earnestly urged 



220 The Early Colonial Church. 

the appointment of a Suffragan. The following is one of his 
later indignant and stern appeals : 

' The poor Church of God here in the wilderness, there's none to 
guide her among all the sons that she had brought forth, nor is there any 
that takes her by the hand of all the sons that she has brought up. When 
the apostles heard that Samaria had received the Word of God, immediately 
they sent out two of the chief, Peter and John, to lay their hands on them, 
and pray that they might receive the Holy Ghost : they did not stay for a 
secular design of salary ; and when the apostles heard that the Word of 
God was preached at Antioch, presently they sent out Paul and Barnabas, 
that they should go as far as Antioch to confirm the disciples ; and so the 
Churches were established in the faith, and increased in number daily. And 
when Paul did but dream that a man of Macedonia called him, he set sail 
all so fast, and went over himself to help them. But we have been here these 
twenty years, calling till our hearts ache, and ye own 'tis the call and the cause 
of God, and yet ye have not heard, or have not answered, and that's all one. 
... I don't pretend to prophesy, but you know how 'tis said, the kingdom 
of God shall be taken from them, and given to a nation that will bring forth 
the fruits of it. God give us all the grace to do the things that belong to 
our peace.' Pp. 383, 384. 

* Only,' he says, ' for poor America there is a nolo Eplscopari." 1 
At last he came to England, and was with another consecrated 
by the non-juring Bishops. But he died soon after. It was 
more than could have been expected, that under such monstrous 
provocation, his should have been almost the only services with- 
drawn from the Propagation Society, and that only for the last 
few years of his life ; but one such man as Talbot it was a 
heavy punishment to lose. 

Such were the circumstances under which the Church fixed 
herself in North America. Politically and ecclesiastically, the 
spectacle is much the same ; there is the same remissness and 
slovenly management, the same dulness on the part of the 
mother country to open her eyes to the greatness of her own 
work. Yet we cannot help thinking, that this analogy in the 
fortunes of the Church to those of the Colonies generally, has 
been for her benefit. She grew up with the States ; she took her 
chance and roughed it with them ; her childhood was spent like 
theirs in the swamp and forest and log-hut. There was no 
favouritism to spoil her, or make others jealous ; she did not 
make her way by the favour of men, or under the smiles of 
power. She started fair ; no one can deny that she has" worked 
for what she has won. And thus she has been spared the temp- 
tation of becoming aristocratic ; a fatal mark in America, which, 
as it is, popular prejudice has been ready enough to fix upon her. 
She grew up, as Christianity itself grew up at first, in the 
natural way, from the bottom from the people ; by little and 
little ; by labour and hard work, too hard not to be genuine ; 
by mixing with the vulgar, the undisciplined, the self-taught, 



The Early Colonial Church. 221 

and self-willed ; by not shrinking from contact and conflict 
with rabid sectarianism and coarse democracy ; by accustoming 
herself to act without embarrassment in the eyes of keen and 
critical fellow-citizens, very tender of their liberty ; by appearing 
as a teacher and comforter, before she appeared as a ruler ; by 
showing her moral strength before she organized her system and 
imposed her rule. The anomalous condition in which she was 
left to make shift as she could, is no honour to us ; but the 
absence of regular direction gave more scope to individual 
strength and reality of character, and much may be left to hardy 
and vigorous life. The experiment is not one to be repeated, 
but in her case it has fortunately proved a safe one. She 
earned her Episcopate. 



222 



ART. VII. 1. Histoire des Institutions de Mdise, et du Peuple 
Hebreu. Par J. SALVADOR. Second Edition, 3 vols. 8vo. 
Paris: Ponthieu. 1828. 

2. Jesus-Christ et sa Doctrine ; Histoire de la fiTaissance de 
CEglise, de son Organisation, et de ses Progres pendant le 
premier Siecle. Par J. SALVADOR. 2 vols. 8vo. Paris : 
Guyot et Scribe. 1838. 

3. Jewish Intelligence, and Monthly Account of the Proceedings of 
the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews. 
1841 1846. London: Sold at the London Society's House, 
3, Chatham Place, Blackfriars. Wertheim: Paternoster 
Row, &c. 

4. The Thirty-third Report of the London Society, $c. 1841. 

5. The Thirty -fourth, Thirty-fifth, Thirty-sixth, Thirty-seventh 
Reports of the London Society. 1 8 42 1845. 

6. Three Letters humbly addressed to the Lord Archbishop of 
Canterbury, on the inexpediency and futility of any Attempt to 
convert the Jews to the Christian Faith, in the way and manner 
hitherto practised; being a general Discussion of the whole Jewish 
Question. By the REV. JOHN OXLEE, Rector of Molesicorth, 
Hants. London: Hatchards. 1842. 

7. Israel's Ordinances ; a few Thoughts on their perpetuity, respect- 
fully suggested in a Letter to the Right Reverend the Bishop of 
Jerusalem. By CHARLOTTE ELIZABETH. London: Seeley. 
1843. 

8. Journal of Missionary Labours in Jerusalem, during tJie years 
1842, 3, 4. By the REV. F. C. EWALD, Missionary of the 
London Society, $c., and Chaplain to the Right Reverend the 
Anglican Bishop in Jerusalem. Second Edition. London : 
Wertheim. 1845. 

9. The Church of St. James. The History, Character, and Con- 
stitution of the Primitive Hebrew-Christian Church of Jerusalem. 
By the REV. J. B. CARTWRIGHT, A. M. Minister of the 
Episcopal Chapel of the London Society, $c. London: Wertheim. 

10. The Jewish Advocate for the Young, $c. London: At the 
London Society's Office, &c. 

11. Scriptural Lectures to Juvenile Collectors for the Jewish Cause. 
By H. S. HANCOCK. London : Nisbet. 

12. Map of the Diocese of the Protestant Bishop of Jerusalem, 
extending over Syria, Chaldea, Egypt, and Abyssinia. London : 
At the London Society's Office, &c. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bithoprick. 223 

13. The Star of Jacob ; a Monthly Magazine. Edited by the 
REV. MOSES MARGOLIOUTH, Curate of St. Augustine's, Liver- 
pool. (Advertisement.) 

14. Extracts from ' A Journal of a Three Years' Residence in 
Abyssinia? By the REV. SAMUEL GOBAT. 1834. 

THERE are two objects which we propose to ourselves in the 
following paper: 1. To give some sketch of the mutual rela- 
tions which Christianity and Judaism seem, in our own days, to 
bear towards each other, with especial reference to any ap- 
proximation observable in the two systems. 2. To apply this 
view to the Anglican Bishopric at Jerusalem, with some account 
of the actual results of the establishment of that See. 

There is, to our minds at least, one aspect of Judaism which 
seems scarcely to have received sufficient notice at the hands of 
some professed theologians. We allude to the silent change 
which, whether in words or not admitted, must have come over 
the estimate of the Gospel formed by thoughtful and candid 
Jews themselves. As a fact, the Church of the Gospel and 
Judaism are not in the same relative position as in the first ages 
of Christianity. Neither can the Jews themselves regard it in 
the same light. The existence of the law, as an actual dispen- 
sation, reaches through seventeen centuries at the utmost, from 
the Exodus to the destruction of the Temple. The Church, as 
an actual fact, whether a Divine dispensation or not, has existed 
for eighteen centuries. For many years, and even centuries, a 
cautious few might cling to the language of that * doctor of the 
law who w r as had in reputation among all the people;' and 
might class Jesus of Nazareth with him who * boasted himself to 
be somebody;' with Theudas, and 'Judas of Galilee, in the 
days of the taxing,' or with the Barchocabs and other false 
Messiahs of a later age. But time must have gradually and 
powerfully, if not satisfactorily, disposed of this the safest 
ground for the reluctance of the Jew to admit the possible truth 
of the Gospel. Permanence, stability, antiquity, these are the 
very facts which, apart from the evidence of prophecy or miracle, 
would most naturally attract Jewish attention. Not only would 
the Gospel, so to speak, call forth some natural sympathy from 
the Jew, as containing, in the Catholic faith and ritual, his 
own law and prophets, his own scriptures and psalms, but the 
very venerableness of the Church would present a cumulative 
argument, to which every year of its existence added new force. 
The Jew might get over, or even be revolted, at the univei'sality 
of the Church, for such is in direct contradiction both to his own 
state and to the Jewish notion of an elect people. Viewed only 
from the Jewish side, for this is our present point only, that one 
aspect of the Church, its positive duration, the mere f:\ct of its 
years, apart from every other consideration, must tell. It is 



224 Judaism and t/te Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

something for the Jew to account for ; it is a positive difficulty 
which he must meet. There is no previous instance of the like in 
his historical experience. The word of prophecy does threaten 
to the Jew his own fall, and subjugation to the heathen and to 
the Gentiles. It does not intimate that any oppressor should 
arise, if such the Christian has been to the Jew, who should be 
half a Jew himself. From his own Scriptures he could not 
calculate upon that to which he cannot shut his eyes. The 
existence, that is, of a religious system, which, as a fact, should 
be no form of heathenism ; which should not set up altars to 
false gods; which should admit every single word and truth 
which he still deems most holy ; and yet should not be his own 
actual faith. The Jew might, and, as we know, does, account 
for his own denationalized and scattered condition. We hardly 
know what reason, supposing him to be really thoughtful, he 
can give for the mere duration of the Church, synchronizing with 
the disruption of Israel, parallel to, and judging from, all analogy, 
likely to remain coexistent with, his own Synagogue of the 
Dispersion. We take only this ground, and we say nothing of 
the law ; for to the suspension of the altar and sacrifice, and 
temple economy, the Jew might submit. But why should 
the Synagogue and the Church be permitted, as facts, to con- 
front each other ? Does Scriptural prophecy, which does fore- 
tell to the Jew every possible antagonism of all phases of 
Gentilism to his own faith, give him the slightest anticipation 
of that present state of things which has been, with little 
variation, the world's aspect since the destruction of the 
Temple ? Whatever estimate of the Church the present Jew may 
polemically put forth, it would seem most .natural that he 
must inwardly feel differently towards it, from the single fact of 
its age, than did his forefathers. It seems that the line of the 
Mischna and Talmud was to ignore the existence of Christianity. 
Anyhow, this can no longer be attempted. Can the indirect 
force of this visible aspect of the Church, merely as an exist- 
ing phenomenon, and contemplated altogether ab extra by the 
Jew, be traced in the present state of the Jewish mind ? We 
think it can ; and to the investigation of our actual relations 
towards Judaism, we propose to devote some inquiry, with the 
particular object of showing that on both sides we may be tending 
to something very like a dangerous compromise of principle. 

It would be almost a waste of time to show that, whether 
right or wrong, there is an increasing familiarity between the 
Church and the Synagogue. This may be hailed as a sign of 
promise ; we know that it is so in many quarters, but it seems 
one replete with dangers. We are not demanding the return of 
days of persecution. We are perfectly aware of all the common- 
places with which we may be assailed, about the massacre of the 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 225 



Jews at York or elsewhere. We have not the slightest wish to 
accompany the Philo-Judaean to his inevitable retreat upon 
Front-de-Bo2tif 's dungeon, or the halls of the Inquisition. To 
broiling, tooth-drawing, or any other variety of the tormenting 
art, there is no occasion to have recourse. We are not asking the 
British Legislature to revive yellow badges, or any 'theory of per- 
secution,' as, if we remember right, it has by a writer of distin- 
guished self-possession been lately called. But there is a stern 
and awful barrier raised between the Christian and the Jew, which 
we are not desirous to see undermined. There ' is a great gulf 
fixed.' They who have crucified the Lord of glory, and nailed 
Him to a tree, are not as other men, even to the last generations. 
The curse lives; the Sacred Blood still cries aloud. It was 
solemnly imprecated on themselves 'and on their children.' 
And this, if we mistake not, was the righteous, if stern, severity 
of the ancient Church. It was not that they loved the Jew 
less, but it was that they valued evangelical privileges more ; 
more deeply, more jealously. 

Hence we find the Council of Laodicea (canon xxxviL) for- 
bidding to eat with Jews ; and though the general, not universal, 
practice was to allow the Jews, in common with heretics, to be 
present at the Missa CatecJiumenorum, yet it must be borne in 
mind that the Mysteries were especially reserved for the com- 
munion of the faithful. But what is most to the purpose, the Jews 
were not met, if we may so say, half-way. Thus S. Cyril of 
Jerusalem (Mystagog. Cat. x. 15,) ' He, the Christ, when He 
came was denied by the Jews, and confessed by devils the chief- 
priests knew Him not, and the devils confessed Him.' 1 ' Let the 
Jews then, (who wait for Antichrist,) since they so will, go astray.' 
(Ibid. xii. 2, 3. 2 ) The same writer, in a long passage (ibid. 
xv. 12 15, 3 ) on the coming of Antichrist, makes it a main cha- 
racteristic of the Great Deceiver, that he should be accepted of 
the Jews, and rebuild their temple, and in some mysterious way 
restore, or feign to restore, both their polity and rites. 

And this was the general opinion of the Fathers ; of whom 
are quoted Irenseus,* and Gregory Nazianzen, 5 among others. 
And they who have been always noted as the chief shadows of 
Antichrist have always shown themselves favourable to Judaism. 
The great ancient type of Antichrist, Julian the Apostate, 
attempted to rebuild the temple ; the chief modern forecast, as 
it were, of the Mystery of Iniquity, the Emperor Napoleon, 
summoned a Sanhedrim at Paris, with the express object of 
publicly recognising the Jewish Nation and Creed. Indeed it 
seems that all vast empires are destined in some very especial 

1 Oxford Translation, p. 106. Ibid. p. 124. * Ibid. pp. 189192. 

4 Heree. v. 2530. * Orat. 47. 14. 

NO. LIII. N.S. Q 



226 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

way to be types of the universal sway of the last and worst 
ruler of the empire of the world that empire which is not the 
Church. Only a few days ago we read of* Sir Moses Montefiore 
having obtained permission from the Emperor of Russia for the 
migration of ten thousand Jews from Russia into Palestine,' 1 and 
this was told in terms of exultation in a professedly religious 
journal, little conscious of the awful aspect which such an event, 
if true, would present to the Christian Church. 

But the whole tone of the patristic writings is what we wish 
to contrast with modern sentiment on this point. S. Chrysostom 
(Horn. 1 Thess. ii. 15, 16) on the words ' The Jews, who both 
killed the Lord Jesus and their own prophets .... and they please 
not God, and are contrary to all men .... the wrath is come 
upon them to the uttermost,' says, ' The Jews are the common 
enemies of the world ; they insult God,' 'let it be a consolation 
that they will never lift up their heads again.' 2 The tract of 
Tertullian against the Jews, and Justin Martyr's Dialogue with 
Trypho, may be cited as the earliest, as well as very full evi- 
dences of the general cast of feeling entertained towards the 
Jews by the early Church. These are documents so well known 
to the generality of our readers, that we forbear to cite them; 
only let one of these compositions be read through, and let its 
general bearing, and the cast of sentiment, be compared with 
the modern language towards the Jews which we shall have to 
quote. We are not saying that this feeling which we indicate, 
was not in the mediaeval timeS carried to a blameable excess, but 
if the Psalms may be rightly deemed in all things the fitting 
expression of the Church's mind, we do not know how the 
expression, 'Do not I hate them, (3 Lord, that hate Thee ? yea, 
I hate them right sore, [with perfect hatred,] even as though 
they were mine enemies,' can be used of any, if it may not 
apply to the Jews. 

We shall presently have occasion to notice some of the steps 
by which the Jews, in addition to the cause which we 
alluded to above, have been drawn to a sort of armistice with 
Christianity ; but it may be worth while, on the other hand, to 
gay something of the altered tone towards Judaism which has 
grown up among us. There is a curious, and, we believe, not 
very well known book, ' Anglia Judaica,' by D'Blossiers Tovey, 
LL.D. Principal of New Inn Hall, Oxford, 1738, which con- 
tains authentic accounts of the various, and often severe, treat- 
ment to which the Jews were subjected in this country, together 
with records of the provincial councils and other enactments of the 
English Church against them. After their final expulsion from 
England in the reign of Edward I. A.D. 1290, it was not without 

1 Record Newspaper. J Oxford Translation, p. 36?. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bithoprick. 227 

considerable difficulty that they recovered a footing here. It was 
not till the profligate reign of Charles II. that they succeeded. 
After the martyrdom of King Charles they made overtures to 
Cromwell for their restoration, through the notorious Hugh 
Peters; and though, as it seems, Oliver was by no means dis- 
inclined to receive them, the religious feeling of the time was 
too strong for even him to insult. Prynne, we trust from a 
higher motive than his insatiable passion for objecting to every 
thing, met their petition with a lengthy, sturdy, and of course 
utterly unreadable * Demurrer,' which is extant among the 
wondrous tracts of that cross grained, yet, we believe, honest 
grumbler. The bribe which the Jews offered for their restoration 
has a certain heroic splendour of insolence about it which is 
almost incredible, were it not upon record. 1 They offered 
Cromwell 500,000^ upon condition of being put into possession 
of St. Paul's Cathedral, and the Bodleian Library. The former 
they intended, it is said, to use for a Synagogue ; we are not 
informed to what strange purpose they intended to apply the 
literary glory of Oxford. 

The pecuniary necessities of Charles II. made his reign in 
every way discreditable; not only was he a pensioner to a foreign 
crown, but in his time the Jews were permitted again to settle 
in England. This was, however, only on political grounds, 
similar to those adopted by Napoleon in 1806, 2 and gradually, as 
is well known, civil and other disqualifications have been re- 
mitted, until, as at the present moment, we find Jews possessed of 
lands and titles of honour. They are Professors in Universities; 
Sheriffs of counties; they are Aldermen of Christian corporations, 
they are knights and baronets of a Christian chivalry, they 
are barons of a Christian nobility they are managers and 
trustees of our schools founded by the * National Society for 
Educating the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church,' 
and in charitable institutions we find Jews sitting at the same 
boards and committees, even with Christian Bishops. 

But not only has the relaxation, or entire abeyance, of political 
and social disqualifications clianged much of the attitude in which 
the Gospel and Judaism stood as by mutual consent ; but causes 
more deep and influential have prepared the way to a gradual 
fusing, in powerful quarters, even of the distinctive character- 
istics of the two systems. It is not a little remarkable, and in 
so saying we shall not be thought pilfering from the paradoxes 
of the author of ' Coningsby,' that the philosophy, which is 
destined, we are certain, to divide the entire realms of thought 
with the Catholic faith, is of Jewish origin. Spinosa was a Jew: 

1 Anglia Judaica, p, 260. 

2 Transactions of the Sanhedrim, convoked at Paris in 1806, translated from 
the French of Diogene Tama, hy Kirwan. London : 1807. 

Q2 



228 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

and we have no hesitation to pronounce a decided conviction that 
Spinosa's philosophy is the one informing, animating principle 
of the modern world of intellect. Although much of his phi- 
losophy may be traced even to the Indian metaphysics, still in 
the literature of recent Europe he is the undoubted parent 
of the infidel systems, whether Rationalizing or Pantheistic. In 
that vast and portentous edifice of error, Modern Philosophy, 
the Jewish element, traceable to its Jewish origin, has scarcely 
received sufficient notice. Judaism has made its silent, while ex- 
tensive, reprisals upon the Gospel in the shape of German criti- 
cism, and even that German Protestantism which has issued in 
Strauss and Hegel owes more than it avows to Judaizing in- 
fluences. This connexion we propose, in some particulars, to 
illustrate. 

But this carries us necessarily a good deal backward : we must 
therefore but glance at the more prominent landmarks, to place 
our readers at that point from which we wish them to view the 
modified aspect under which Judaism presents itself to the mo- 
dern historical school. We shall perhaps be excused, having so 
lately spoken of the general Pantheistic tendencies of speculative 
philosophy, if on this occasion we restrict ourselves to the appli- 
cation of Pantheistic principles to a single subject, viz. the study 
of history. The modern school of history, the writers, we mean, 
who have concerned themselves with what is called the philosophy 
of history, have done much, not only for the subject-matter 
of their inquiries, but much also in defining the powers of the 
human mind. We are grateful in various ways for the school 
of Vico and Xiebuhr, and their followers. But whether inten- 
tionally or not, and this differs in different writers, their principle 
of investigating the records of the past may be reduced to some 
such conception as this, viz. Given the world, and mankind ; the 
tpyov of man is to develop his faculties : he is, by his essence, 
capable of infinite and indefinite progress. But the condition of 
his progress is by succession : every fact, therefore, becomes 
necessary and normal; moral character it has none, because God 
being everything, and everything God, the vices, crimes, miseries 
of mankind, the societies, empires, laws and communities of 
history, cease to be anything more than the necessary and un- 
avoidable steps in that progress and development of succession 
which is the end of man. For since God only exists practically 
in man, hence history is the true and only manifestation of the 
Divinity. All events in time, therefore, are not only true, but 
necessary and divine, since they are the natural manifestation of 
that which alone is divinity in action, and externally disclosing 
itself in human life and actions. However apparently different 
or multiplied the developments of this abstract humanity may be, 
in all we recognise one common nature ; phenomena are but the 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 229 

unavoidable manifestations and modes of the one Absolute Being. 
The only truth (the phrase may not be new to some of our 
readers, though we are far from saying that all who have adopted 
it are aware of its atrocious depth of significance) is Unity in 
Diversity. 

So by this the natural law of its existence, the human mind 
creates gradual conditions of thought, originates general forms 
of ideas, produces language, throws off its successive phases, 
like Lucretian films, in arts, communities, social states, religions, 
and philosophies. In these there must reign a natural succession ; 
however apparently different, they are equally legitimate. What 
we call, in ordinary language, good and evil, virtue and vice, 
crime and benevolence, are but natural and ordinary states of 
humanity. Just as we should refuse to call a tree wicked 
because at one season it is full of leaves and fruit, and at another 
it is but a collection of dry rough boughs, so are we forbidden 
to attach these conventional terms of right and wrong to the 
true, though perhaps varied, succession of change : change, 
. which is the only real law of perfection. 

Such being the accredited theory of history, it Is easy to con- 
ceive under what a bright and generous aspect it must regard all 
the records of mankind. The deepening shadows of the past are 
all fused in one warm and rosy flush : there is a Divine Soul 
which animates and breathes through the whole. Every effort of 
the mind is, in itself, an earnest of something beyond it : every 
system of thought includes in it all the beautiful and true of what 
has gone before, and is, in turn, to have its own elements expanded 
and enlarged with a power of increasing vitality and progress, 
of which it is scarcely conscious that it possesses the seeds : 

' Man's cycle moves 

Ascending 

as has been said by one among us, 1 in a poem, which, * far from 
' being intended as a mere echo or reflection of the past, is, in 
* itself, and in other respects, a novel experiment upon the mind of 
' a nation' (Preface). Perhaps, indeed, Orion, the poetical and 
legendary type of 

' The human spirit as a mountingthing,' 

may tell his story better in. the language of its own poet than 
in our dull prose : 

1 Orion : a poem by R. H. Horne. The author belongs to a society ambitious, 
rather than capable, of popular mischief, called the Syncretic Society. The school 
is one of acknowledged Pantheism. They have produced several works, of which 
the aim is not very distinct to casual readers. Pantheism, however, is the key to 
much of this 'Spirit of the Age' (the name of a prose work of Mr. Home). Orion 
evinces very remarkable powers ; and so anxious was its author about the success 
of his principle, that the first edition was published at a farthing ! This becomes 
curious in other ways than as a mere literary fact. 



230 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

' There is an age of action in the world ; 
An age of thought ; lastly, an age of both, 
When thought guides action, and men know themselves, 
What they would hare, and how to compass it. 
Yet are not these great periods so distinct 
Each from the other, or from all the rest 
Of intermediate degrees and powers, 
Cut off, but that strong links of nature run 
Throughout, and prove one central heart, wherein 
Time beats twin-pulses with Humanity. 
In every age an emblem and a type, 
Premature, single, ending with itself 
Of future greatness in an after-time, 
May germinate, develop, radiate, 

And like a star go out and leave no mark ; 

Save a high memory. One such is our theme. 

* # * * 

One mind, perchance, in every age contains 
The sum of all before, and much to come ; 
Much that's far distant still ; but that full mind, 
Companion'd oft by others of like scope, 
Belief, and tendency, and anxious will, 
A circle small transpierces and illumes ; 
Expanding, soon its subtle radiance 
Falls blunted from the mass of flesh and bone. 

* * * * 

Yet lives he not in vain ; for if his soul 
Hath enter'd others, though imperfectly, 
The circle widens as the world spins round, 

* * * * 

The poet of the future knows his place, 
Though in the present shady be his seat, 
And all his laurels deepening but the shade.' 

Orion, Book iii. Canto i. pp. 9092 (Sixth Edition). 

As regards religion for we in this place are chiefly con- 
cerned with the philosophy of history as applied to the religion 
rather than the politics of the world the first state of man- 
kind is natural religion, or Fetichism. 1 M. Comte, in his 
Philosophic Positive, discourses largely on Fetichism; and we 
can hardly see that his own religion gets much beyond it, 
even if it reaches it. Fetichism, in its simplest form, is the 
worship of talisman or amulet : it ascends into the worship of the 
Lares and Penates, or the Teraphim mentioned in Scripture ; 
and receives its full development in the Sabaean worship of 
the Host of heaven. Fetichism, we learn, is quite suitable to 
man in the first stage of his human existence; for man him- 
self, as every body versed in M. Comte's philosophy knows, is 
himself a development ; he is only the ouran-outang developed ; 
and the ouran-outang is only the monkey developed ; and so 

1 The word is somewhat new to English readers. But it is one of the admitted 
phases of the human mind in French and German writers. Mr. Milman, in his 
History of Christianity, recognises it; and much on the subject will be found in 
Mr. Theodore Parker's work, to which we called attention last quarter. Since our 
publication, a new English edition of the ' Discourse on Religion' has appeared. 
We are anxious not to claim the credit of spreading its reputation to this unhappy 
extent : it appeared a few days only after our April number. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 23 1 

on backward, till we come at last to the Acarus Crossii, the 
child of electricity and granite dust. It never seems to have 
occurred to these writers that Fetichism, for we too admit 
the thing, may possibly be a degradation from a better state 
of glory, than a necessary step in the successive development 
of the human beast from his savage and primitive type. But 
let this pass. Fetichism, we are told, represents a truth : it 
is true as far as it goes. But it is only rudimental and prepa- 
ratory : it is quite sufficient for man in the first stage of his 
progress: it is all that he is yet capable of: it must grow 
into something higher and more spiritual, in a course parallel 
to the expanding enlargement of the human faculties. The 
belief in the devil, we are gravely assured, is a relic of Feti- 
chism ; for where man recognised pain and pleasure, harm and 
benefit, as resulting from external nature, in all power apart 
from itself, he found something to reverence, at one time in the 
form of love, at another of fear ; and he made Fetiches of both 
objects. ' The belief that God is more especially present at 
a certain place, as a Church ; or time, as the Sabbath or the 
hour of death is pleased with sacrifices, fasts, penance and 
the like, is a popular vestige of Fetichism.' ' The most 
acceptable sacrifice to the Fetiche is the blood of his enemies. 
The Jews in their early and remarkable passage from Feti- 
chism to Polytheism and Monotheism, resolve to exterminate 
all the Canaanites,' &C. 1 

Polytheism is the next stage in the religious development 
of mankind. This was the early religion of Greece : it was the 
patriarchal worship of Elohim, as distinct from Jehovah. Hero- 
worship is one of its phases. But parallel to Polytheism, or in 
some measure refined from it, existed the oriental forms of 
Dualism which subsequently took the semi-Christian forms of 
Manichaeism and Gnosticism and pure philosophical Pantheism: 
of the fusion of these two sub-genera of religion more presently. 

Monotheism is a development of Polytheism. And Moses 
was the first teacher of Monotheism, or pure Theism. He was 
the first to found a state upon the philosophical principle of the 
Unity of God : the first to incorporate it into a political legisla- 
tion. This is, we are assured, the real key to the Jewish polity. 
But it was hot until the return after the Captivity, and at the 
restoration of the Law, that the Jewish people thoroughly ac- 
cepted this stricter form of religion. The earlier records of the 
Pentateuch show evident traces of the previous stages of Fe- 
tichism and Polytheism. The first commandment implies the 
existence of other Gods than Jehovah. The history of Israel 
under the judges and kings, especially in the schism of the Ten 

1 Parker's ' Discourse on Religion.' 



232 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

Tribes, displays an inclination for the mingling of the older 
worships. The worship of the golden calf and of the brazen serpent 
under Aaron, and the setting up of the calves under Jeroboam, 
are traces of them. It was against this that the Mosaic institu- 
tions were intended by Moses. "VVe beg particularly at this 
stage to refer to a very curious work, little known in England, 
M. Salvador's ' Histoire des Institutions de Moiise et du Peuple 
Hebreu' (Paris, 1828), which we have only seen noticed in Mr. 
Milman's recent publication, and by Mr. Blanco White. Moses, 
therefore, becomes a most important contributor to the develop- 
ment of the human mind ; and under this view of the successive 
growth of religious systems, his institutions are, of course, the 
most important portion of the philosophical history of man. 

M. Salvador, himself, be it remembered, a Jew, is for our present 
purpose, viz. to account for the growth of that new and favour- 
able estimate of Judaism, which we deem so important a most 
valuable witness. He represents an element of the Jewish 
mind which, as we said in the outset, must take an estimate of 
Christianity very different from the Jews contemporaneous with 
the early church. He is himself, as Canon Maret, in his valu- 
able and luminous * Essai sur le Pantheisme,' has incontestibly 
proved, a Pantheist : more or less he adopts that continental 
plan of philosophical history of which, as applied to religion, we 
have attempted a sketch. M. Salvador is not one of the Rabbinical 
school : he is a Jewish rationalist or Protestant, if we may so 
say. There are, as most of our readers are aware, two elements 
at work in the Judaism of the present day : the conservative or 
traditionary school, what we should call the Church party of the 
Jews ; and a reforming body, which adopting the Protestant, or 
as it has been aptly called the gymno-biblical, principle, again 
enounces the dictum of the exclusive authority of the Scriptures, 
* without note or comment.' * Yet, more, in philosophy, M. 
Salvador has identified himself with the philosophy of his co- 
religionist, the Jew Spinosa. And these are three significant 
materials, out of which to construct such a history of the Jews, 
as shall accord to Judaism its economy in the dispensation of 
development. A Rationalist in criticism, a follower of Niebuhr 
in history, a disciple of Spinosa in philosophy : this is not the 
man to take a very bigoted view of Christianity. Nor should 
we antecedently suppose him to be other than under the in- 
fluence to which we have already alluded, viz. : the argument 
consequent upon Christianity, as a permanent fact. All actual 
facts this school of historical criticism would cheerfully recog- 

1 The English Jews are divided in this way. Within these few years the West 
London Synagogue has been established on very liberal principles in Burton 
Crescent. In this semi-rationalizing body, the ' 34th Report of the London 
Society,' p. 44, finds ' a common ground for Christians and Jews.' 



Juda'um and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 233 

ruse, and would be quite prepared from its principles to assign 
even to such a fact as the Gospel, some definite standing in the 
progress of mind. 

Not that M. Salvador is by any means a solitary instance of 
the Jewish Rationalist. Since the revival of letters, much 
infidelity has prevailed among the more educated Jews. It 
seems part of the dispensation under which they suffer. We 
find it admitted that the persecutions of the Spanish Jews, and 
the conduct of the Inquisition, especially from the twelfth to 
the fifteenth century, * originated in the fear inspired in the 
' Church by that free examination which the Jews regarded as 

* a duty, and in their marked tendency towards natural philo- 
sophy.' ' The Jewish writer, Maimonides, exercised a decided, 
and even acknowledged influence in forming the principles of 
Spinosa himself. In the ' Tractatus Theologico-Politicus,' c. vii. 
Spinosa adopts from Maimonides the principle of rejecting in 
the interpretation of Scripture whatever is not in accordance 
with reason : he also quotes with approbation a passage from that 
Jewish writer, which goes to the extent of declaring * si ipsi 

* constaret ex ratione mundum esse asternum, non dubitaret scrip- 

* turam troquere et explicare, ut tandem hoc idem ipsum docere 

* videretur.' Elsewhere Spinosa refers to Aben-Ezra, and other 
Rabbinical writers, as authorities for the principle of rationalism, 
so that for his two chief doctrines, his rationalism, as exposed in 
the * Tractatus Theologico-Politicus,' and for his Pantheism, pro- 
claimed in his ' Ethics,' and letters to Oldenburg, Spinosa had the 
authority of the Judaism in which he was educated. Indeed, 
the Pantheism revived by Spinosa betrays its Jewish parentage 
from another consideration. The Cabbalist doctrines are 
nothing but the application to the philosophy prevalent since 
the existence of Christianity, of the original Oriental doctrines 
of emanation. These are nothing but the plainest Pantheism. 
The fundamental principle of Spinosa's metaphysics, that * God 
is the immanent cause of all things,' Epist. xxi., is only that of 
the Jewish Cabbala. 2 In the history of the Church we find the 
Gnostic heresies, especially in Valentinianism, repealing this 
philosophy of emanation and development which came to them 
from a Persian, and perhaps originally from an Indian, source. 
These facts are certainly valuable, if we would estimate the 
importance of Judaism as forming what we fear may be called 
the prevalent philosophy of Europe. 

Amand Saintes* proves that Spinosa, in his * Tractatus Thco- 
logico-Politicus,' anticipates the work of Semler, Eichhorn, 
Wegscheider, and Paulas: ' Les rationalistcs d'Allemagne ne 

1 Salvador, Institutions de Moisc, torn. iii. p. 11)8. 

1 Amand Saintes, Histoire de la Vie et des Ouvrages de Spinosa. (Paris, 
IS 42.) p. 33, note. s Ibid. p. 70. 



234 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

' sont pas fait faute, en effet, de se servir des travaux prepara- 
' toires de Spinosa, mais une fausse honte les a empeches 

* d'indiquer la source, oil ils avaient pulse.' And quoting in his 
celebrated twenty-first letter to Oldenburg, ' I tell you with all 
' sincerity, that it was not necessary for salvation to believe in a 

* Christ according to the flesh ; but it is enough to believe in an 

* eternal Son of God, that is to say, in the eternal wisdom of 
' God, which has been manifested in all things, but chiefly in the 

* human mind, and under all again in Jesus Christ as to the 
' Incarnation of Christ, I own to you that I can no more comprc- 

* hend it, than I care to hear of a circle becoming square,' Saintes 
says that in these few words of Spinosa, * se trouve le resume de 

* toute la Christologie de Strauss, et de toute 1'ecole Hegelienne en 

* germe.' 1 Spinosa then borrowed his doctrines, both on speculative 
theology, and on biblical criticism from the Jewish schools. Can 
we now undervalue the immense, though hidden, influence, of 
Judaism upon the empire of thought in the present day ? the 
whole of the prevalent modern philosophy, except in Catholic 
writers, being traceable to this single Jew of Amsterdam. Nor 
did Spinosa ever entirely relinquish his Jewish connexion ; he 
was never baptized; he lived in intercourse with the learned Jew 
Orobio. And it is not unworthy of notice, that many of the 
important attacks upon the faith have either emanated from 
Judaism, or from a plain desire to amalgamate and reconcile the 
two faiths. Not only may we allude to such authors as 
Mendelssohn a Jew but even the titles of some of the more 
remarkable infidel publications show, that, to the Jewish name 
recourse is naturally, as it were, had to give completeness and 
effect even to fictitious works of an anti-christian cast. Les- 
sing's ( Nathan the Wise,' and Taylor's ' Ben Mordecai's 
Apology,' may be adduced as instances of what we mean. 
The preface of the latter sets out with the avowal that Socini- 
anism * is the only way that is able to open and discover the 
' consistency between the Jewish and Christian Revelations, and 

* form one plain and rational system from the beginning to the 
< endf of time.' (P. 8.) a 

A curious story is related by Mr. Dewar, 3 which will best 
illustrate our meaning: * In 1799, some Jewish merchants at 



1 Amand Saintes, pp. '102, 107. Quinet, in his ' Examcn de Strauss,' says the same. 

2 At the assembly of the RaLbies at Brunswick in 1844, and at Frankfurt in 

1845, decidedly rationalizing doctrines were propounded. Mr. Wright, from 
Berlin, speaks of the intellectual Jews, who have ' to a great degree broken loose 
from the trammels of Rabbinism, as lapsing into scepticism ; and there is good 
reason to believe that most of the leading journals of Europe, which are either 
indifferent to, or arc opposed to, the spread of Evangelical truth, are directly, or 
indirectly, under the influence of Jewish writers.' Jewish Intelligence, Jiuuiarv, 

1846, p. 15. 

3 German Protestantism, p. 145. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 235 

' Berlin, anxious to obtain political privileges, addressed the 
' provost Teller in a printed letter, in which they requested to 
' be informed whether they could be received into the Christian 
' Church without believing the peculiar doctrines of the Chris- 

* tian religion. Teller replied, that he would acknowledge 
' them as Christians, if they would admit that Jesus Christ was 
' the founder of a better religion than their ceremonial service 
' had been. The superiority of our Saviour over all other 

* teachers of religion he affirms to be, that " He made it his 

* business to spread practical religion among the people, and to 
' present it to them in a popular light. Even Socrates had 
' only his chosen disciples." ' 

This seems to be exactly what M. Salvador, whose name we have 
already introduced, has done. Starting from Spinosa's prin- 
ciple of the interpretation of Scripture by rejecting everything 
in it which cannot be proved by reason, Salvador insists that 
the institutions of Moses had nothing but a political object in 
them ; and in the Levitical ordinances he sees nothing but an 
admirable sanatory code. The Mosaic institutions were not 
intended to establish a theocracy, they were rather a protest 
against that true theocracy which existed in the sacerdotal and 
caste system of Egypt and this in the form of a mild democracy 
(democratic temperee). The unity of the people was a correla- 
tive of the doctrine of the Unity of the Deity which Moses 
taught. Moses reformed upon the Egyptian dualism a political 
dualism, in which the sacerdotal caste as one element, kept in sub- 
jection the other element composed of the royal race and warrior 
caste, as well as a theological dualism, signified by the legend of 
Typhon and Osiris. Moses also, proleptically as it were, provided 
against what we are told is the inherent curse of the Modern 
States-system, in which the three elements are the priesthood 
the nobility the people. The Mosaic principle of state-policy was 
to call into existence, and legislate upon the theory of, what would 
now be called the national life the individuality of the state 
the personality of the people. M. de Bonald is not far from 
the truth when he assures us that those * qui veulent changer 

* 1'ordre des societes existantes et ramener a la religion naturelle, 
' repassaient par le Judaisme' 1 This notion of a state is only the 
practical realization of the metaphysical notion of the Pantheistic 
divinity. There is but one eternal existence which is the life 
of all other existences, and which sustains them, but only in the 
end to return into that divinity from which they all originally 
emanated. 2 All created things are but the modal develop- 
ments of the one infinite substance. And in the same way the 

1 Salvador, Institutions de Moisc, torn. i. p. 71. * Ibid. p. 7. 



236 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

people is the personification of this infinite : it is superior to indi- 
viduals : the life of the individual is only the manifestation of the 
life of the state. Unity universal, or Vetre-Dieu, JEHOVAH ; 
unity national, or fetre-peuple, ISRAEL.' Such is the connexion 
which exists between the Polity and Theology of Moses. 

Moses, therefore, only being a political economist before that 
science existed, a sort of Egyptian Sieyes or Bentham, a kind 
of clever and unambitious constitution-maker, we find all the 
supernatural parts of the Old Testament most carefully explained 
away by M. Salvador, after the ordinary rationalist manner. We 
shall not weary our readers with an account of this : especially 
as in some measure most of them are already acquainted with 
many of the less offensive * eliminations ' of the miraculous history 
which M. Salvador has ventured upon, from a popular * History 
of the Jews,' published in England some years ago, in which a 
good deal of this writer much of his unquestionable talent 
and literature included has been reproduced. 2 

This work of M. Salvador is much too directly offensive to be 
openly accepted, even by the Jews themselves. Maret (Essai 
sur le Pantheisme, pp. 461 463) produces an acute condem- 
nation of him from a high Jewish authority the Bible de 
Caher (torn. ix.). But this is among the orthodox Jews ; the 
anti-Rabbinical party are, at least in England, moving very 
rapidly in the direction which this clever French author has 
pointed out to them. The rationalizing Jews have no objection 
to recognise the mission of Christ, in a sense ; they are prepared 
to abandon what we may call the ecclesiastical sense of their 
law in favour of a purer and simpler theism ; they are ready to 
refer the stricter sense of the Mosaic institutions to the principle 
of accommodation and of a temporary economy ; and, above all, 
recognising in Mosaism, as it is called, one of the successive 
purposes of the Divine mind, and in Christianity another, each 
well suited to the respective eras of their appearance ; they are 
at the same time anxious to further the development of a third 
and greater law (la philosophic s'est elevee comme une troisienw 

1 Ibid. p. 92. 'Mo'ise ne vit dans 1'univers qu'we seule nature, tine seule per- 
sonne, a la fois active et passive, qui est JChovah ; nom sacre pour les Hebreux, 
qui signifie I'etre, 1'existence generale, 1'unite universelle . . . Des lors la society dont 
il allait etre le legislateur se presenta a son esprit comme devant former une per- 
sonne unique, un seul et mfime peuple qui recut le nom d'lsrael ; c'est-a-dire, 
cdui qui prime sur les forte : celui en qui reside la supreme puissance.' Ibid. 
pp. 68, 69. 

2 One instance may be pardoned. Although M. Salvador insists almost with the 
wearisome minuteness of a Selden on the various particulars of Hebrew law and 
courts of course, only under their secular import he dismisses the Feast of the 
Passover as ' Grande fete nationale anniversaire de 1'independance,' iii. 149. How 
unlucky that the Three Days of July did not exist in 1828 ! This is the parallel 
which M. Salvador wanted. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem BiskoprivL 237 

lot), more suited to an advancing age of society, and fitted to the 
intellectual wants of the age, a newer and purer, not so much 
revelation as, manifestation of the Divine mind, and this through 
the agency of its highest practical form, the intellect of man. 
This third law, growing out of, and including in itself, all the 
good of the institutions both of Moses and of Christ ; this Law of 
Philosophy; this Church of the Future, will come not to destroy 
the law or the gospel, but to fulfil both ; not so much to 
abrogate, but to expand and carry on, the limited functions of 
either. Its mission is not the narrow one of a single people, or 
of a fixed creed ; it is circumscribed neither by territorial boun- 
daries, nor by historical and dogmatic statements : its end is to 
give reason all the development of which it is capable. 1 

But, to many plain English readers, it may appear so mon- 
strous that one who, like M. Salvador, is still a Jew, should 
assign to the Gospel this sort of standing in his arrangement of 
providential economies, that we must allude to his other great 
work, * Jesus-Christ et sa Doctrine. (Paris: 1838.)' 

Christianity, sooner or later, we are told, (preface, p. xiv.) 
must be prepared to give a strict account of itself to the Hebrew 
mind. What Strauss has more recently done in the case of our 
Lord, M. Salvador had already preceded him in doing for the 
Mosaic institutions. Strauss sees in the son of Mary nothing 
but the symbolical idea of humanity : as we have seen, M. Sal- 
vador sees in the actual Israel but a figure of a political indi- 
viduality, a nation treated and legislated for as a metaphysical 
unity. Christianity but expanded this abstraction, by substi- 
tuting the whole world for a single race. 

M. Salvador does not deny the historical existence of Jesus 
Christ : herein alone differing from Strauss, though even he 
admits it in a sort of sense. M. Salvador says, and with truth, that 
to construct the four Gospels, and to harmonize and recommend 
the details of so strange a fiction, as the denial of the positive 
existence of our Lord would suppose, would be a much more 
remarkable achievement in power than even the miraculous 
character which the Gospels attribute to Him Whose life they 
contain 2 (which, by the bye, Rousseau has said before). Nor were 
the apostles mere hypocrites or enthusiasts. They obeyed the 
great law of Progress and Development, to which they owed 
their existence, and to the triumph and extension of which they 
honourably devoted themselves. Christianity, therefore, becomes 

1 Salvador, Institutions de Mo'ise, &c. (conclusion). That we have not over- 
rated the remarkable importance of this performance, may be gathered from the 
fact so at least the French advertisement informs us that it has been, after two 
French editions, translated in Germany, England, and Holland. We have not met 
with the English translation. 
Tom. i, p. 158. 



238 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

an historical fact of the highest importance. But nothing more 
than this. It must be explained by natural causes. It is the 
result of the tendencies of the age which produced it : the incon- 
sistencies and contradictions of the four Gospels which M. Sal- 
vador only repeats from the ordinary sources are a sufficient 
proof of the human origin of Christianity; which was this: 

Judea was under the yoke of the stranger, although the em- 
pire of the world had been promised to Israel. The religion of 
the Jew was to be the religion of the world, and Israel itself 
was to be the head of all the nations. Such were the glowing 
and popular traditions which Jesus set Himself to realize. But 
instead of construing literally the ancient prophecies of the 
glory of His country, he attached a mystical sense to the sacred 
oracles, and announced a resurrection of the dead, and the final 
reign of the just upon earth. Then the prophecies were to re- 
ceive their final and full accomplishment. The Gospel morals 
were only those of the later Hebrew scriptures and schools : and 
the theological dogmas of Jesus differed only from those of Moses 
by an attempt to combine with the Mosaic principle of the 
Divine unity the oriental speculations which had become known 
to the Jews during the Babylonish captivity. It was from 
among the Orientals that the Jews learned the distinction of 
matter and spirit, the immortality of the soul, the resurrection of 
the body, the existence of angels, the origin and fall of man ; 
but especially (en premiere ligne) the Resurrection of the Dead, 
their Judgment, and the Life Everlasting. 1 (We cannot stay 
to point out the monstrous absurdity of this theory : but if as 
on this view M. Salvador must maintain, though he does not 
avow it even the Pentateuch is as late as the Captivity, what 
becomes of his other theory, which makes the essence of Mosaism 
to consist in its teaching the unity of the Deity ? in other words, 
from documents of the same age and value, Avhy does he select 
the single dogma of the unity as being of the age of Moses, and 
the dogma of angelic ministrations to take the most patent 
example as being of the age of the Captivity ?) 

All nations were to share in these the glories of the Jewish 
people : they were all invited to worship the same God, to live 
as brethren, and to wait for the same hope of immortality. By 
way of credentials for His Mission, the Son of Mary laid claim 
to the possession of miraculous powers. He had the knowledge 
of certain secrets, by which, together with the willing coope- 
ration of the imagination, excited feelings, &c., he cured the sick, 
and thus established a popular reputation. Still it was on His 
own resurrection that He built most, by way of confirming the 

1 Jesus-Christ et sa Doctrine, torn. i. pp. 106, 107 ; torn. ii. pp. 8 10. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 239 

new doctrine of the coming general resurrection, and the esta- 
blishment of the heavenly kingdom. But to rise again, He must 
first die ; hence He willingly exposed Himself to the malice of 
the authorities (though for what conceivable purpose, if Jesus 
was all along preaching the popular belief of the Jews, there 
should exist in any quarter any hatred against Him, we are not 
told). 

After His death, ' His disciples persuaded themselves that He 
had risen. They then preached Jesus as the Messiah. Paul 
was the logical, John, the poetical, genius of the new sect. To 
the latter is owing the incorporation of the Chaldean and 
Egyptian metaphysics with the Mosaic principles. And gradu- 
ally the Christian system was developed upon these successive 
principles, and in conformity with these combined symbols. As 
many as three such distinct phases, or stages of development, 
are to be observed in its history, even before the death of the 
last of the apostles. 2 These, without going into the details, 
M. Salvador marks as (1.) the periods of Peter and the Naza- 
renes, or the mere reformed Judaism confined to the JCAVS 
(2.) Paul and the Church, which is its extension to the Gen- 
tiles (3.) John and the Apocalypse. In this latter era of 
the Church's progress was gained a step beyond the extension 
of the Church throughout this visible world; which was the 
Pauline development : henceforth, under the teaching of St. John, 
a career of aggrandizement was opened ; the function of the 
Church was now to render all principalities and royal powers 
subject to the name of Jesus ; and although these views were 
contained in the teachings of St. Paul, it was reserved to St. John 
fully to develop them. The symbol of this enlarged and spiritual 
dominion is the apocalyptic New Jerusalem. The body of the 
Church, under the Pauline idea, was the whole human race ; 
under the idea, taught by St. John, it was enlarged into the uni- 
versal and ideal substance, into which all existences, both in 
heaven and earth, were in the end to be united and absorbed. 3 
In other words, it was to be a return to the original and abstract 

1 The fact of the Resurrection that greatest difficulty to all infidel writers, 
M. Salvador proposes three methods of avoiding. Either, 1, The whole narrative is 
allegorical: or, 2, The death was only in appearance : or, 3, The body was taken 
away liy the apostles, and the talc of the Resurrection was their fiction. He seems 
careless which of these views his readers arc to adopt; perhaps all of them. But 
it is a peculiarity of this class of writers, that so that they say a thing, i, e. get it 
set down in print, they tnist to this single fact for doing their work : consistency, 
even with what they had written on the preceding page, being of far less import- 
ance than the single opportunity of insinuating- for they seldom adopt a view. 

1 Our readers will remember that this was published eight years ago. 

3 Jesus-Christ et sa Doctrine, torn. ii. pp. 406, 408, 423. With these statements 
may be compared the observation that ' Gnostic or Platonic words are found in the 
inspired theology of St. John." Newmans Essay on Development, p. 352. 



240 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

Pantheism of being. St. John's was a reproduction, according 
to M. Salvador, of the oriental mysticism. This view is so 
remarkable, on many accounts, that AVC extract a summary of it 
in the author's own words : 

* Dans le corps d'association fonde par le fils de Marie et 
i maintenu par Pierre, 1'attachement reciproque des membres du 

nouvel Israel etait encore impregne d'un esprit tout national. 
Dans 1'ecole de Paul, ou le corps de Jesus embrassait indis- 
tinctement tous les membres de I'huinanite, 1'amour general du 
prochain acquerait la preeminence ; mais dans le cercle etendu 
des donnees du Jean, un autre interet, un autre sympathie 
immense, devait feconder 1'ame des homines ; degage des 
habitudes de la terre, ils se transportaient, par les propres 
forces de leur esprit, et sous la seule reserve des conditions 
inseparables de la croyance Chretienne, au milieu du concert a 
venir de tous les etres, de toutes les choses possibles, et ils se 
confondaient dans un seul corps qui etait le Christ universel.' 1 
And this development he instances in the case of the progress, 
even in the canonical books, of the doctrine of the Eucharist. 
And as subsequent phases and expansions of Christian doc- 
trine, Salvador alludes to the successive influences first of the 
Greek, and afterwards of the Latin, spirit and mind. And he 
concludes his inquiry on Christianity in these words : 

* It belongs to the history of the times which follow the 

* period of the origin and formation of the Church, to enter upon 

* these developments. Such history will distinguish with care 

* the perpetual action and reaction which has existed, on the 

* one hand, between the inner principles of the new institution, 
' the interests which it has produced, the men who have illus- 

* trated them ; on the other, the infinite diversity of external 
' circumstances, and the unchanging conditions of the natural, 

* and often entirely physical, progression of things. All along 

* it is past doubt, that since its origin, and by the aid of prin- 

* ciples dogmatical, mythological, political, which rapidly centred 
' round the name of Jesus Christ, the new institution found 
' itself equal to meet the tendencies of the imagination and of the 

* soul, and to answer very discordant material interests. In the 
' majority of climates, where the ardour of conquest carried it, 

* its doctrines presented to the popular faiths and governments, 
' points of contact, and means which soon attracted them to itself; 

* while at the same time it displayed sufficient pliability to unite 
' itself with their forms, their intelligence, and their most cherished 
' superstitions. Still, the obligation which such a mission of 
' aggrandizement imposed upon Christianity, by increasing 

1 Je"sus-Christ et sa Doctrine, pp. 423, 424. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishopric!:. 241 

* throughout its career a burthen, which became more and more 

* oppressive, could not but cause considerable embarrassment to 
' its progress.' * * 

' With respect to the Unity of God, which Christianity teaches, 
' it has, in fact, consecrated all the abuses of polytheism : with 

* regard to that religious equality which was its boast, the in- 
' equality of caste has been raised to the chief rank : poverty, 

* not less formidable to the moral than to the physical nature of 

* man, has found in the Gospel apologists loaded with riches and 
' altars of gold : the right of the personal liberty of the people 

* has been effaced : the liberty of the mind and the political 
' majesty of laws have received rude attacks : and, whilst new 
' influences have procured for them great principles, a day of 

* reaction, a sentiment, conformable in its essential interest to the 

* ancient and religious institutions of the Jews, has, under different 
' names, possessed itself of a multitude of minds. 

' The perpetuity promised to the Institution of the Teacher 

* of Nazareth has been relegated to the number of facts, 
1 eminently uncertain. * * * This institution, so magni- 

* ficent and so necessary for a given period, and a given portion 
' of the world, contains in itself neither the entire accomplish- 

* ment of that law from which it derived its origin, and of which 

* it declared itself the heir without any partition of its goods, 

* nor the final term to which reason can and must reasonably 

* confine itself." 1 

In other words and we gladly adopt M. Maret's 2 summary, 
Christianity has failed in its purpose : it has not accomplished the 
prophecies : a new mission is reserved for the Jews. The nations 
of modern times, abandoning Christianity as a fact, occupy them- 
selves with material duties, with the cares and pursuits of an 
earthly life, and with the political and economical knowledge of 
merely material interests. These new wants and tendencies of 
our social condition indicate the desire to return to true wis- 
dom, the wisdom of the Hebrews. Here, then, is the new 
mission of the Jews. It is theirs to teach the right estimate of 
life, the value of wealth, and the means to acquire it. Under 
this point of view a rich banker may become the new Messiah 
of the earth. And this is Progress and the development of 
Religious Systems. 

We have been thus particular in analyzing M. Salvador's 
works, not only because we believe them to be new to the majo- 
rity of our readers, but because we believe them to be very 
important. Here is a writer, as even his adversaries must own, 



1 J6sus-Christ et sa Doctrine, torn. ii. pp. 493 496. 
1 Essai sur le Panthcisme, p. 460. 
NO. LIII. N.S. R 



242 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

of unusual literary powers and success : in five large volumes 
he has elaborated a theory of Judaism and Christianity, which, 
say what we will of its exaggerations, gross absurdities, and 
misrepresentations of fact, abating as we please for its sup- 
pressions and one-sidedness, still is a view, is a theory, 
is, as a view, whole and consistent, and in its way, powerful. It 
is a phenomenon not to be lightly regarded, that the Gospel 
and that very actual Judaism, which exists at this moment, can 
thus be harmonized and recommended in connexion ; or, rather, 
that this can be even attempted with any tolerable show of plau- 
sibility. It must go for something to give Christianity this sort 
of location in the sweeping annals of time. It is something that 
men have got to shelf the Gospel, if we may so say : to get rid 
of it, as a tool once useful, but now out of date and worn out. 
Salvador treats Christianity as within the legitimate sphere of 
liistory : he attempts to account for facts. He is not afraid of 
documents or difficulties. He meets the current Catholic view 
of the Church with a counter view of his own. It may be a 
false view ; but still it is a view. It comes with a roundness 
and definite precision which must, if it does nothing else, strike, 
even if it appals. It displays power. Abstractedly the view, as 
a view, is possible. It deserves, demands, and has received exa- 
mination. It asks for friends ; it challenges foes. And to say 
this is to say not a little, if not in its favour, at least by way of 
apology, if such is required, for calling attention to it. Most 
assuredly, it is by far the best which the thinkers among the 
Jews can say for themselves. And, to own the truth, we are 
not aware that it presents any very serious difficulties in quarters 
which still claim the name of Christian. Certainly, as a speci- 
men of one application of the doctrine of development, it is not 
without a very significant value at the present moment. 

What objections would be urged against it, even by some, 
must confine themselves rather to details upon which we have 
forborne to enter, than to the principle itself. We, too, have 
heard of a * Church of the Future ;' we have been taught by 
the present Master of Rugby to anticipate some glowing era of 
a possible Christianity, and he has pointed to the 'intellectual 
vigour,' and the ' earnest thought,' of the ' great Protestant 
writers of the Continent.' He has challenged us to repair to 
the golden urns of the 'eclectic-philosophical spirit' of 'the 
rising age.' The late Master of Rugby had his touching eutha- 
nasia in the actual fulfilment of the one cherished idea of a life 
of anticipations. Those anticipations only centred in the pro- 
bable success of a theory which, giving all glory to the past, 
might still joyfully adumbrate a more glorious future, in which 
Christianity, divested of some cumbrous dogmas, and freed from 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 243 

effete traditions, might soar into the purer regions ; a new reli- 
gious era which should embrace the truth of all creeds and of all 
institutions. He, too, would not be one to disregard the truth 
of the mutual bearing of religion and polity upon which M. Sal- 
vador builds so much. We forbear from more than a passing 
allusion to very distinguished living writers, who have even in 
their histories of the Church gone so far as to name M. Salvador 
almost without rebuke. And it is some consolation to ourselves, 
as we have been among the first, not without much pain and 
some misgiving, to call special attention, not merely to the 
* more hopeful prospects of infidelity ' in the general, but to its 
actual state and pretensions, and even advances among ourselves, 
and also to the quarter from whence and the assault by which 
the very citadel of the Faith is to be assaulted : it is, we say, 
some consolation to find one so prudent, and whose words, 
because few, are so weighty, as Mr. Miller, of Worcester Col- 
lege, sharing in and confirming our apprehensions. 1 

Such, then, being one aspect of the moderated and approxi- 
mating regards towards Christianity which a section, neither 
the least influential nor the least intellectual, among the Jews 
maintains, it follows to see while, as a fact, Judaism Christianizes 
after this sort, whether, on the other hand, there may not be a 
subtle Judaizing tendency growing or prevailing among Chris- 
tians. Nor is this inquiry less important, for approximating 
orbits must coincide, even by a natural law. And here, if we 
are forced to go into minute details, it may not be forgotten 
that the inquiry must, from its nature, be one of patient and 
gradual induction. We are examining only tendencies ; they 
are but contingent dangers which we forecast. Taken together, 
the argument may have weight, more or less : but it, only pre- 
tends to a cumulative character. 

We have already alluded to political and other causes, which, in 
a mercantile country, would naturally relax the old sentiments 
about Judaism. And we have pointed out, what is certain, the 
actual abeyance, whether for good or for evil, of the older esti- 
mate, we mean the theological and believers' estimate of the ' un- 
believing Jew.' There has been growing up among us an 
opposite feeling. Shall we say that it has not been carried to 
the very verge of perilous heresy ? It is so easy to account for 

1 ' Scripture and the Church in Harmony,' &c. Two Sermons, &c. (Rivingtons, 
1846.) Mr. Miller instances as ' illustrations of the speculative temper of the times 
in theological matters,' passages, among others from Dr. Tait and Mr. Trench. 
Of the latter he confirms apprehensions, which we have in these pages very 
cautiously hinted, that some of his speculations 'appear in some respects to 
indicate a hope something more like new revelations than only fresh and lawful 
applications of the old.' Appendix, p. 40. A similar tendency, to speak in the 
most respectful and sympathizing terms, has been noticed in Mr. F. Maurice. 

U 2 



244 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

the growth of this feeling, that we shall be doing more sendee 
in illustrating it, rather than by assigning and tracing the causes 
for it. We may, however, say, that as a fact, it is a novel 
sentiment : to say that it is strange to patristic or to me- 
diaeval theology to talk about 'the dear Jews' would be 
quite superfluous : but the modern language and feeling is new 
even to the Reformed Church. This alone is significant, that 
for whatever cause, so we are now told, never, since the 
Church of Christ has existed upon earth, has it known how to 
form a right estimate of the Jews. Socinians alone, of those 
who assume the Christian name, have been found to fraternize 
with them, or to meet them on. any other terms than those of 
implicit and unconditional surrender. The Puritan spirit in 
Cromwell's time and it was a religious spirit revolted at the 
proposal to naturalize them. To treat 'the Hebrew nation' as 
a party to a contract ; and the further and still more perilous 
enlargement of sympathies towards the Jews, has been reserved 
for our own days, and for the significant events of the last few 
years. 

We may as well say and we say it with all sincerity that 
we do most deeply sympathize with the religious sentiments of 
those whose eyes are, even, in the first place, turned towards 
the Jew. We can account for this : we can enter into it : we can 
make allowances for it. We have, in the Church, great duties 
towards the Jews, as we have to all excommunicated and anathe- 
matized persons. We wait for their repentance; by our prayers we 
desire to restore them to unity. But still let us remember, that 
their case is a very different one from that of the heathen ; to the 
Jews Christ is preached in their own Scriptures, and daily they 
are rejecting Him: they are constantly repeating and repro- 
ducing that their great sin. They are, it must be said, under a 
curse : * wrath is come upon them to the uttermost ;' they are 
cut off. They exist as a warning : they are an awful judgment. 
The language to them must be 

' piteous race ! 
Fearful to look upon.' 

They are ' unvenerable,' ' polluted.' And whatever feeling 
that deep shuddering, that cold chill, that solemn shrinking 
which many are known to feel even at the presence of a Jew, 
may betoken, still it seems to us the witness of a more healthy, 
practical tone of religion than the misty sentimentalism of the 
day which we hear about the Jews. Love, for example : * Do 
you not love the Jews ?' * Do you not collect for the Jewish 
cause ?' are questions often put in some of our religious circles. 
Now is love the exact feeling which a Christian ought to feel, 
say for an excommunicated person or for a confirmed bias- 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Biskoprick. 245 

phemer ? Jews are, as far as the language of the Church goes, 
classed alone with * Turks, infidels, and heretics.' There is 
no indication of a difference of language, or of feeling, or of 
duties existing between ourselves and the Jews, than between 
Christians and Mohammedans. If the Jews are to be con- 
verted, and we own that now, as ever, it is a plain duty of the 
Church to seek their conversion, their conversion must be by 
individuals. Their surrender must be total and implicit, and 
without conditions. There must be no compromise, no armis- 
tice, no marching out with the honours of war. The Cross 
must be to them as the Caudine Forks. They must be received 
only in the attitude of penitents. We cannot, as Christians, 
give them an armed neutrality. They must come to us. 

Of the earliest English books, which prove that the tide 
was turning favourably towards the Jews, are two by a 
Mr. Witherby. In one, published in the year 1804, he devotes 
one dialogue (the seventh) to the proof that ( a great alteration 
will be made in the Christian Churches, which will then assume 
a much more Jewish appearance, and Christians will glory in 
that theocracy which will be established among the Jews,' 
pp. 310 327. And in a subsequent performance, 'Vindica- 
tion of the Jews, addressed to the London Society, 1809,' he 
expressly and strongly condemns ' the common practice of 
requiring Jewish converts to give up their law and rites.' 
Witherby's three volumes are more than sufficiently tedious; 
we only allude to them as a fact prior to the foundation of the 
London Society. 

It is to this era, viz. in 1807, that the first systematic 
Judaizing tendencies assumed form in this country. The 
London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, 
though instituted by good men, 1 formed a centre, around which 
gathered a variety of loose, vague, floating tufts and weeds of 
religionism, and the scraps and debris of superfluous activity 
and zeal ; the religious sentimentalism of the one sex, and the 
committee and consequence-loving importance of the other, 
combined, we believe, in many cases, with real earnestness and 
devotion to the Gospel. Still, though good men were forward 
in the establishment of this body, they were men of a school 
an active forward school but yet a school which had not 

1 The following may be taken as a fair specimen of what the school in question 
thought of the relative positions of the Gospel and Judaism. It is extracted from 
a letter by Mr. Simeon (1818) to Dr. Capadose. 

' The circumstance of the Portuguese and Spanish Jews, so enlightened a part 
of the Jewish nation, regarding Jesus as a good and pious man unjustly put to 
death, brings that portion of your nation so near to us that I cannot but view them 
as on the very threshold of the temple, and ready to enter into the sanctuary.' 
Jewish Intelligence, Sept. 1845, p. 334. 



246 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

impressed itself upon the mind of the Church of England. The 
experiment was a novelty ; it had to be tried. It might turn out 
well ; but the Jews, as Jews, must now be addressed as a body, 
and upon system. Hitherto the Church had been content, and, 
we think, wisely, to convert by individual appeals : its practice 
had been to attract and absorb into itself, atom by atom, of the 
stricken children of the Great Judgment. And it is no less than 
an essential element in this systematizing to present our own 
system under that aspect which shall least shock the prejudices 
of those whom we desire to convert. This is inseparable, 
perhaps, from the economy of evangelization. It might be 
necessary, not perhaps to exaggerate, but, at least, to give all 
their prominence to whatever doctrines and facts might appear 
most acceptable to the Jews. And gradually, without very 
great watchfulness upon the part of those engaged in it, this 
mode of appeal would obliterate, or obscure, other, and those 
most important and necessary, aspects of the Gospel. Those 
receiving it would be tempted to forget the balanced and com- 
pensating and complementary nature of the analogy of the faith. 
This tendency to a one-sided presentation of the Gospel, in 
which suppression gradually takes the place of a reserve, Avhich, 
in the first instance, is the plainest duty, has been observed in 
some missions to the heathen. It is, therefore, anything but 
extraordinary that it should disclose itself in attempts, however 
well-intentioned, to recommend the Gospel to the Jews. 

And if such a tendency is, as we have said, all but inseparable 
from all Evangelism as addressed to bodies ab extra, to heathen 
communities as well as to Jews, of course, this tendency would 
be increased if the particular school engaged in such preaching 
had not itself a firm grasp of the great Catholic verities, and if the 
preachers themselves were but slenderly furnished with dogmatic 
theology. Such unquestionably is the case, and has all along been 
the case, with the leading members of the London Society. Tech- 
nical theologians the Evangelical leaders do not pretend to be ; they 
would rather refuse the appellative than otherwise. Such a body is 
the very last to which the Church in a healthy state would entrust 
the most delicate and difficult work of preaching to the Jews. If 
there is one feature more prominent than another in the Church's 
treatment of the Jews, it is the entire absence of compromise. 
Her aspect has been one of unmitigated sternness towards those 
who are not so much lost sheep, as reprobates, nationally and 
ecclesiastically we mean. The very last subject upon which the 
Church has submitted to the slightest lowering of voice or to 
the very least suppression of an austere, and even, if circum- 
stances should so require, a repulsive dogmatism is that of the 
objective truth of the incarnation of the Sou of God. And yet, 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 247 

as we have seen, that continental body, with which the English 
Evangelicals are confessedly most in harmony, has utterly lost 
this doctrine, and successively all other articles of the faith. 
The so-called evangelical doctrines in England have never yet 
fruited genially. It is only in the dissenting bodies, and abroad, 
that these principles have had their full seasons ; and that among 
them they have ended in advancing even avowed heresies on 
fundamentals, forms a fair anticipation of their contingent results 
among ourselves. On the whole, we say, that from their anti- 
dogmatic bearings, now rapidly enlarging, the Evangelical body 
must enter upon the missionary work under grave suspicions 
and serious disqualifications, especially when the very first matter 
of faith which they will have to propound, in its most rigid and 
defined strictness, to the Jews, is a doctrine like that of the Incar- 
nation, open to so many of the most necessary antipathies of 
Judaism as it is. If they have toned it down, it is exactly 
what we might have anticipated from them. 

Again not only is the Evangelical System in this way 
negatively unfitted for taking the lead in the work of converting 
the Jew, by reason of the absence of an objective Theology, but 
positively, also, it becomes vicious by the presence of a contrary 
and subjective spirit. By modifying or suppressing the fact of 
the One Visible Church, for example, which, in fact, is the great 
argument against the Jew, the Evangelical but addresses his 
judgment and intellect, or his feelings. He meets him upon a 
common and false basis of alleged sincerity ; a mode of address 
which may well lead the Jew to remain where he is. 

Again the Evangelical estimate of the Sacramental principle 
is eminently unfavourable to a right preaching of the Gospel to 
the Jews. With the Evangelicals, Sacraments are to the Chris- 
tian Church, what Jewish rites were and no more. They are 
rites, and not sacraments : they are 'signs of profession and marks 
of difference :' and in this system they range no higher than this. 
They are to be observed in obedience to a positive ordinance ; 
not because they are in themselves conduits of grace and 
fountains of life. They are strictly technical, and mandatory, 
and arbitrary in their nature. They differ nothing in kind from 
the old rites in the way of principle : they are new, and that is 
all. And if, which is assumed, they are of perpetual obligation 
to the Christian, it requires but a slight advance to inquire, why 
the Jewish Sacraments were not perpetual also ? How this 
question has been answered we shall see as we advance. 

Ascertaining, then, from other sources, that the Jews would not 
be predisposed to reject, at least with their ancient contumacy, 
such a presentment of the Gospel as should not too rigorously in- 
sist on dogma should assume rather a subjective than objective 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

character should not object to the permanency of the Jewish 
ordinances we are not over-hard when we say, that a society 
composed entirely from a school in which all these particulars 
coincide, ought to be regarded with the most jealous suspicion by 
the English Church. This is the estimate we form of the 
London Society; and from their official and affiliated publica- 
tions we proceed to cull some specimens of those peculiar 
dangers to the rigorous simplicity of the Church's faith, which 
we have noticed in its management : 

First, we observe a peculiarity, we believe, in a society 
under the patronage of the two Archbishops and nineteen of the 
Bishops of the English Church that ' The London Society for 
Promoting Christianity among the Jews' does not consist en- 
tirely of members of the Church of England. Among the 

* Members for life,' and decorated with the symbol of intercom- 
munion as 'Honorary,' we find, * Colly er, Rev. W., D.D., F.A.S. ; 
Peckham.' This person, we believe, is a dissenting teacher. 

* Cox, Rev. F. A., LL. D., Hackney ;' a most bitter congre- 
gationalist preacher. ' Fletcher, Rev. A., Hackney Road,' 
the same. ' Stodhart, Rev. Robert, Pell Street Chapel,' who 
we believe labours under what we used to consider a canonical 
disability to 'life-membership' in a religious institution which 
assumes to be of the Church of England: or, pro tanto, the 
Church of England itself. Neither does the London Society 
disdain contributions from unhallowed altars, or gifts from those 
who, if the Church of England recognises the existence of such 
a sin as schism, must be schismatics. From Lasswade, we find 
the ' Secession Congregational Society ' contributors to the 
amount of 3 in 1841, (34th Report, p. 66 ;) and in the same 
page gifts are announced from the 'Dairy Secession;' from the 
' Reformed Presbyterian Congregation, Venpont ;' from M. 
Merle d' Aubigne, (p. 67 ;) 'A Dissenter wishing to assist in the 
ranks of the Church,' (p. 8.) This is, to say the least of it, a 
questionable evidence of the ' Church of Englandism ' of the 
London Society. 

But there are indications of graver discrepancies from the 
Anglican system than these. In common with all the Missionary 
Societies at least at one time of their existence the London 
Society seems still to admit of its agents remaining Lutherans. 
Perhaps a majority of its Foreign Missionaries are not members 
of the Church of England. Mr. Nicolayson was for ten years 
in the service of the Society before he received orders. (36th 
Report, p. 46.) To take the last, the Thirty-seventh Report 
at Strasburg, Rev. J. A. Hausmeister ; at Posen, Rev. H. 
Graff; at Frankfort, Rev. J. C. Hartmann ; at Cracow, Rev. 
L. Hoff ; (we find the latter repeatedly alluded to as baptizing 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 24 9 

converts into 'the Protestant Church of Cracow,') (35th 
Report, p. 48 ;) to say nothing of a crowd of subordinate 
German agents. How many of these 'reverends' have received 
Episcopal ordination we are not aware. Indeed the committee 
make it a matter of considerable boasting, even when they had 
the appointment of a Bishop in view, ' To express their strong 

* feelings of respect for, and gratitude to, Mr. Nicolayson, for his 
' spontaneous and disinterested conduct, so truly characteristic 

* of the humility of a real Christian, in his self-denying offer to 
' officiate in a subordinate capacity under an English-born or- 
' dained Clergyman of the Established Church,' when it was the 
purpose of the Society ' to have a regularly ordained Clergyman, 

* in full orders, and being a native of Great Britain or Ireland, at 
' the head of the Jerusalem Mission.' (Thirty-third Report, 
p. 60.) If, as is acknowledged by the Society for the Propaga- 
tion of the Gospel, in abandoning the employment of Lutheran 
agents, it is foreign to the spirit of the English Church to work 
through the agency of such ecclesiastics, it is hardly creditable 
to the London Society to maintain the practice. 

It is considered quite immaterial into what 'Protestant' 
community the converted Jews are baptized. We read (34th 
Report, p. 59,) of ' the number of baptisms which have been 
' celebrated either by Missionaries of the Anglican or Protestant 
' Churches, or by resident ministers of the latter, after that the 
' candidates had been prepared for that holy Sacrament by the 
' Missionaries.' 

Some illustration may be expected of the actual mode in 
which these Missions to the 'Jews are conducted. They seem to 
work chiefly by permitting Jews, especially children, to attend 
Christian schools and Christian services, in which as much as 
possible that may attract, and as little as rnay offend 'Jewish 
prejudices ' is placed before them. The result is that we cannot 
clearly define whether, in fact, such schools are Jewish or 
Christian. The agents in these schools are mostly converted 
Jews: as many as forty Missionaries, Catechists, and Tract 
Distributors are asterisked, in the last Report, as 'believing 
Jews :' for it is most remarkable that they are not called 
Christians. We shall presently see that this means a good deal, 
and that a ' believing Jew ' is one thing, a Christian, simply so 
called, quite another. After getting the Jews, generally of the 
poorest and meanest classes, to be instructed in these schools and 
services, they fall into the class of ' inquiring ' Jews. When con- 
verted and baptized, these 'believing Jews' generally find some 
occupation in the Missions, and it was proved, in a letter addressed 
to the 'English Churchman,' of 9th April, 1846, in connexion with 
some remarks which appeared in this Review for January, 1845, 



250 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

that of the converted Jews connected with the Jerusalem Mission, 
there was not one who was not receiving weekly pay from the 
Society. So far is the economy the disciplina arcani, carried, 
that, occasionally, the Missionaries either intentionally pass them- 
selves off for Jews, or so far veil their character that they are 
taken for Jews : just as it remains to the Gipsies, or to ourselves 
also/a matter of much difficulty, whether Mr. Borrow, the Bible- 
scatterer, is not himself a Gipsy. We quote from the authentic 
Reports of the Society. The following wild scene of fanaticism 
and folly will best illustrate our objections. 

' CRACOW. A very interesting fact is reported in Mr. Behrens' 
'letter of May, 24, 1841 : 

On the 15th instant, the first Sabbath following the curse pronounced 
by the rabbi, at half-past five in the afternoon, eighteen Jewish children, 
from eight to twelve years of age, came rushing up the stairs to us. 

We. What do you want, children ? 

Children. We are poor, very poor children ; very few of us have parents ; 
our father and mother died of the cholera ; we have heard you are willing to 
give us something. 

After having placed them in a semicircle, we preached to them by turns 
the Gospel of the saving death of Christ. Only a few of them, however, 
listened with attention ; many were talking together. In order to secure 
their attention, I asked them, whether they should like to hear an interest- 
ing and delightful story about their Messiah. 

C. What Messiah, the son of Joseph ? 

/. No, dear Children; a Messiah, a son of Joseph, did never and will 
never exist ; for no prophet has ever predicted one. I will relate to you 
one about Messiah, the Son of David, whom you daily pray to ; for there is 
but one God, and one Messiah. 

C. O yes ! do relate it to us ; we will be very attentive. 

I now read to them the first chapter of St. Luke in Jewish- German, to 
which they listened with attention. Brother Hiscock then asked them, Do 
you love the Lord Jesus, about whom you have heard such remarkable 
things ? 

C. How can we ? why should we ? the Jews call him vn ('. e. the Cruci- 
fied ! ). 

7. Yes, dear children, so he is ; and it is just for that reason we love 
him, because he has given his dear life and spilt his blood for us poor sin- 
ners. If, e. ff. (I added), a father had a very wicked son, who through his 
crimes had forfeited his life, and was condemned to be hanged, the father, 
however, out of love to this degenerated son, gave his own life as a ransom, 
and God suffered a miracle to take place, and raised this tender father from 
the dead, would the wicked son afterwards love this good father or not ? 

C. O certainly, he would love such a father from his whole heart ! 

7. Now, Messiah has acted in the same manner towards you and us ; 
do you then love him ? 

C. O yes ! O yes ! 

7. Whoever of you love him, must say aloud, Amen, to what I shall say. 

I prayed then : " Praised be Jesus Christ, our Messiah, and the Messiah 
of the whole world, now and for ever! Amen, and Amen! " And from the 
mouth of every one of them resounded, " Amen, and Amen ! " which I trust 
the faithful Shepherd, who leads Joseph like a flock, and dwells between the 
cherubim, has favourably accepted. * * 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 25 1 

While I was reading to them, brother Hiscock sent for some bread, over 
which grace was said in the name of their Messiah, to which they added a 
loud " Amen." ' 34th Report, p. 66. 

The controversial powers of the gentleman whom Mr. Behrens 
terms ' Brother Hiscock ' we may relate in his own pictorial 
language : 

' It was but the day before yesterday that we, after about three hours' 
hard fighting, drubbed the Talmudical nonsense out of the rabbi's right hand 
man, the most learned Jew here in Cracow ; although, I fear, it was all we 
did do with him. This man is Rabbi Abraham, the brother of the Chasid, 
who said he would come with a knife concealed under his cloak and murder 
us both, if we persisted in baptizing the third brother, &c. They both did 
come, and whether he had his knife or not, I will not pretend to say. All I 
will say at present is, Mr. Behrens called to me to come and help him, for he 
had got the two brothers in his room. I had heard a great noise, so I went 
in ; and such was the noise and confusion, that I can only state, that we 
had the satisfaction of preaching Christ crucified, telling him that, whether 
he had got his knife or not, he must hear it, for we were quite as willing, 
through grace, to die for our faith as he was. He turned pale, he turned 
red, he looked furious, he looked frantic, he pulled his hair, he beat his 
head, he got up, he walked about, he sat down, he could not he would not 
hear it. He pulled me down upon the sofa by his side, lie seized my hand 
and pulled me up again, and very often we were staring each other hard in 
the face, with our hands upon each other's shoulders, almost nose to nose, 
trying who could make himself best heard ; and what was the end of it ? 
why, they left us quietly, saying, they would call again. The Chasid has 
not done so, nor do I believe he will.' Ibid. p. 68. 

And in another passage Mr. Behrens makes a singular avowal : 
' My brother-in-law [a Jew] began to negotiate with me. " You 
' may continue to believe in the Crucified, but still keep the law 

* of Moses." But when I asked what they meant by the law, 

* and they began to recount to me not only the Mosaic law, but 
' also all the Rabbinical injunctions, which they required me to 

* observe, I withstood them to the face,' c. (Ibid. p. 70 ;) thus 
leading to the irresistible inference, that were it only the Mosaic 
law which the Jews required him to keep, his withstanding would 
not have been so vehement. 

At Posen, we find the Jewish unbaptized children singing 
' Christian hymns, whereby the truths of salvation are impressed 
on the minds of children, in a sweet and yet forcible manner.' 
(Ib. p. 72.) They quote the Scriptures, 'relate the history of 
the crucifixion of the Lord Jesus,' apply the prophecies, &c. 

* with vivacity and joy ; ' are * well acquainted with the his- 

* tory of the life, sufferings, death, resurrection, and ascension of 

* our Saviour ;' and then, ' the day before the celebration of the 

* destruction of the temple in Jerusalem, they say, " To-morrow 
' we cannot come to school, because we must go to the synagogue 

* to pray, that God will bring us into the land of our forefathers." ' 
Nor is this a single case the same details occur in every Report 



252 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

of every station ; and this we, at least, feel to be a complete pro- 
fanation of holy things. Christian hymns and sacred doctrines 
are a holy treasure, to be guarded with something of godly jea- 
lousy. The attendance of Jews at the Christian service, and 
their intercommunion in prayer, is a matter of course. 

* SMYRNA, Nov. 18. Fifteen Jews and five Jewesses came to 
join in prayer." 1 34^th Report, p. 58. 

Mr. Ewald, when on his journey to Jerusalem with the late 
Bishop Alexander, records the following from his journal : 

'Dec. 14. Went on shore at Lisbon in search of Jews, &c. 

* After I had spoken to the Rabbi for some time, I inquired, &c. 

* Till now he had taken me for a Jew.' Ibid. p. 46. 

Bishop Alexander goes to the synagogue at Hebron, * remains 
' there until the end of the service, and addresses the Jews in one 
' part of the synagogue, while Mr. Ewald does the same in an- 
' other.' (35th Report, p. 40.) The Bishop then proceeds to 
another synagogue, remains throughout the service, and ' goes 
to Rabbi N.'s house and partakes of his hospitality.' (Ib. p. 41.) 
In fact, during this visit to Hebron, the Bishop and his Chaplain 
seem to have attended the synagogue service twice or thrice 
a-day, while not a syllable is said of that daily office which there 
is a rubric about saying either openly or privately every day. 

Nor are these civilities without their reciprocity. Mr. Pauli 
boasts on the building of a new chapel, that ' Many Jevs have 

* already bespoken their places, and some would be willing to 
' pay rent for their pews.' 35th Report, p. 59. 

This gentleman considers it a very delightful aspect of * our 
' Jewish brethren in Germany,' that * the Jewish preachers now 
' quote all the parables of our Saviour, and St. Paul's arguments, 

* in every discourse they hold in their synagogues.' (Ibid. p. 61.) 
And he adds, with impressive truth, ' This has a very extraor- 
' dinary effect upon the minds of the young.' He goes on to 
say that, ' throughout Germany, and especially here in Berlin, 

* most of the Jewish children are sent to Christian schools, and 

* they learn the Christian catechism, Christian hymns, and learn 
' the New Testament by heart. Almost every [Jewish] child 
' knows the Lord's Prayer.' (Ibid. p. 61.) We do not pause 
to recall the peculiar sensitiveness of the ancient Church on 
this remarkable point. 

Mr. Pauli reports in the next year, ' It was interesting to 
' observe, last Christmas, that these descendants of Abraham 

* [the unbaptized children] were repeating the Christmas hymns 

* about the nativity of our blessed Redeemer with greater spirit 

* and joy than many of the Christian children. ... It is a i'act, 

* that many Jewish families kept Christmas eve.' 36th Report, 
p.77. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 253 

In the ' Jewish Intelligence,' of May, 1845, p. 132, we find a 
Mr. Boerling graphically illustrating this unhappy confusion of 
Jewish and Christian rites. ' As this year the [Jewish] feast of 

* Chanuka and Christinas fell in the same week, I observed 

* both. I invited forty Jewish children to my house. ... I ex- 
' plained to them the meaning of the Chanuka feast, pointing 
' out to them the lights placed in conformity with Jewish 

* custom, and then showed them the Weihnacts-baum [Christ- 

* mas-tree], with its multitude of lights, on the opposite side of 

* the room, at the same time explaining to them what Christmas 

* signifies.' 

The circulation of the Sci'iptures among the unbelieving Jews 
is so well known, and so questionable a feature of modern 
Evangelism, that we are not called upon to prove it by extracts. 
Though the following might not be without its value, which 
occurs in a dialogue between a half-believing rabbi and one of 
the missionaries : 

' Missionary. Do you think that a faithful translation of the 
' Old Testament, widely circulated among the Jews by a Jewish 

* Bible Society, would effect a thorough reform? Rabbi. No 
' doubt the study of the Bible is a very good thing in itself, 

* but could not, I am certain, help the Jews. M. Why not ? 

* R. Because, by studying the Bible, they could only come to 
' the conviction that their situation is a desperate one : it being 
' impossible to reduce the Mosaic law to practice without re- 

* turning to the land of Israel, for which it was adapted. And 

* thus, then, they would have nothing at all. M. Well, they 
' would then acknowledge the will of God to be that they should 
' embrace the principles of the Gospel, &c. R. Certainly; but 

* be assured that the doctrine of the Trinity will always be an 

* insurmountable obstacle in our way.' 33d Report, p. 32. 

That is, gymno-biblism, without the Church doctrine, only 
leads to infidelity: a fact which the Reports before us abundantly 
prove by their allusions to the actual religious state of the modern 
Anti-Talmudical Jews, who have adopted the * Bible, and Bible 
only' principle, and are notoriously nothing better than infidels. 
We do not hesitate to say, that in Calcutta, among the learned 
Hindoos, and among the Jews of any education and thought, 
the circulation of the mere Scriptures, without the co-ordinate 
teaching of the Church, is but raising a frightful mass of direct 
infidelity and rationalism, which is quite notorious. 

But to recur to other incidental evidences of this scheme of 
comprehension between Christianity and Judaism ; at Constan- 
tinople we find the Hebrew school taught * by a pretty good 

* Jewish master for the Hebrew language, and the regular busi- 
' ness of a school, who is paid by the Jews themselves, while the 



254 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

( Christian master is a pious Protestant.' (33rd Report, p. 48.) 
At Athens, we hear of a convert, Jacob Levi, who suffered ter- 
rible persecutions for having embraced Christianity, who openly 
declares himself a Christian, is bastinadoed, and 'imprisoned 
sixteen tunes,' and who at length relapses. After this, the 
poor man becomes penitent, and is at length baptized. 
When he had openly declared, * I am a Christian, the Mes- 
siah is come,' why, we indignantly ask, in such a case, did 
the Missionaries withhold Christian baptism ? Who can tell, 
but in the strength of the New Birth this interesting person's 
apostacy, or rather relapse, might not have been avoided ? 
Ibid. pp. 50, 51. 

"We read of a Rabbi Schwartzenberg, baptized by Dr. McCaul, 
that he stipulated to retain 'his beard and Jewish costume,' and 
that he used to say, ' I am a Jew still ; formerly I was an un- 
believing Jew, now I am a believing Jew.' Jewish Intelligence^ 
October, 1842, p. 326. 

These, however, seem trifling symptoms of the Judaizing inhe- 
rent in the constitution of this Society, if compared with the avowals 
of its more pretending, because more specifically literary, organs 
and adherents. They have already advanced to two decidedly here- 
tical positions. The one, that the Jewish converts were intended 
to form a distinct though parallel Church to that of the Gentile 
converts, and in some sense superior to the Gentile brethren ; 
and the other, which is involved, and forms the suppressed 
premiss, in the first statement, that the Jewish ordinances and 
institutions were to remain of perpetual obligation to the Chris- 
tians of the older and Jewish branch. It is only the incautious 
temerity of the female adherents of this new Nazarenism, the 
Maximillas and Priscillas of a worse than Montanism, which, 
with feminine precipitation, has displayed this extraordinary 
fact : 

First That the London Society maintains that middle wall 
of partition which the Catholicity of the Church has broken 
down. Throughout their Reports, and in every page of the 
'Jewish Intelligence,' occur phrases which must present a strange, 
and to us a very alarming, appearance. They are such as ' the 
Hebrew-Christian Church,' 'the believing Jews,' ' the be- 
lieving Israelites,' ' the Church of the Circumcision,' ' the 
Church of Mount Zion' 'the Converted Israelites,' as con- 
trasted with the ' Gentile Church,' ' the Gentile Brethren.' 
' The Gentile Church ! ' Prominently and deeply is the distinc- 
tion drawn : it is a phrase so carefully marked that it must 
mean something. Dr. McCaul and Mr. Cartwright have most 
eagerly advocated the necessity of this distinction. Dr. McCaul 
refused the Anglican Bishoprick of Jerusalem, because he 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 255 

thought it right that the Bishop should be of the circumcision. 
Hence Mr. Alexander's appointment, whose sole recommen- 
dation, for he had not the slightest other, 1 was, that he 
had been, or, according to this view, still was a Jew. Dr. 
McCaul, in his sermon preached at Bishop Alexander's con- 
secration, recognises in him the only successor of St. James 
and the thirteen Hebrew Bishops of Jerusalem. Mr. Cartwright 
does the same. 2 It was originally intended that the title of the 
See should be, the Bishoprick of St. James at Jerusalem, a 
scheme which Lord Aberdeen's common sense alone rejected. 
Contrary to all patristic authority, Mr. Cartwright maintains 
that the remnant of the * Hebrew Christians,' who observed the 
Mosaic rites, and who are known as the heretical Nazarenes of 
Pella, were intended to constitute a separate and independent 
branch, of the Church. It is to restore their succession that the 
London Society have strained every nerve. The Patriarchate 
of Jerusalem, we are told, is only the Gentile representative of 
the Gentile bishops of JEiia, Capitolina; a succession inferior 
in dignity and authority to that of the line of St. James, which, 
since Bishop Judas, the fourteenth in succession from St. James, 
has been in abeyance, until Bishop Moses Solomon. 

We are bold to say that this is direct heresy : and that the Catho- 
lic Church has always held those who advocated a parallel suc- 
cession of Hebrew-Christians, apart from their so-called Gentile 
brethren, to be Ebionites and Nazarenes. M. Salvador, as we 
have seen, recommends the view which would make the Catholic 
character of the Church, as distinguished from a new reform on 
Judaism, a subsequent improvement upon Christianity devised by 



1 We are obliged to speak of Bishop Alexander historically, but, as it is a fact 
which has never been contradicted, that he was quite ignorant of Greek, and very 
slenderly skilled in Latin, without the slightest trace of any other literature than 
some knowledge of Rabbinical Hebrew, we say that he was eminently disqualified 
for the Episcopate in countries where the bishops are successors of the great Greek 
Fathers. 

2 It is significant that though the legal title of this see is ' the Anglican 
Bishoprick AT Jerusalem,' the London Society, in their official advertisements and 
letters, always speak of Bishop Alexander as ' the Bishop OF Jerusalem ;' and in 
perfect accordance with their principles, though in direct contradiction to those 
avowed by the Archbishop in the ' Statement of Proceedings,' and in his ' Com- 
mendatory Letters.' By this remarkable change of title the London Society does set 
aside the Greek Patriarchate, and ' the Gentile succession." We may regret, as 
unnecessarily repulsive to Oriental, and indeed to Christian, prejudices, if such they 
be, that the first Anglican Bishop retained at baptism the name given him in 
circumcision. We find, in the ' Anglia Judaica,' that it was the invariable custom 
to give a new and Christian name at baptism. Scialitti, a Rabbi, baptized in 1663, 
the Bishop of Chester being godfather, took a new and specifically Christian name, 
which ' Moses Solomon' is not. What the conveniently obscure abbreviation, 
contrary to all analogy and grammar, adopted by Bishop Alexander, ' M. S. ANGL. 
HIEROSOLYM.' might mean when written in full, we should like to know from those 
who invented it. These things are not quite the trifles which they seem. 



256 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

St. Paul, 1 and improved upon by St. John. Between his view and 
Dr. McCaul's there is little real difference. If Mr. Cartwright 
can speak, (p. 215,) of the 'remnant of the venerable Church of 
' the Circumcision continued at Peraea, which retained both their 
' faith in Christ and their adherence to the Mosaic institutions,' 
and can recognise the revival of this Church in the See of 
Bishop Alexander, wherein does he differ from M. Salvador's 
theory of the first and simplest idea of Christianity in the per- 
son of St. Peter's Judaeo- Christianity, which it required at least 
a century of successive developments to evolve first into the 
Pauline, and next into the Johannine, Church ? Like M. Sal- 
vador, he must consider the Gentile Church an after-thought, 
and inferior, as indeed he owns, in scriptural authority to that 
of the Circumcision. We should be surprised, too, to find 
writers of this school offering any very serious or sound resist- 
ance to the contingent trial of some tertium quid, such as M. 
Salvador's, Avhich should be neither Jewish nor Christian, but 
harmoniously compounded of both. 

It is reserved for others, less prudent or more honest, openly 
to avow what Mr. Cartwright and Dr. McCaul have by hints 
conceded, viz. the perpetual obligation of the Mosaic law to the 
Jewish converts of even our own times. Not only does Charlotte 
Elizabeth 2 address Bishop Alexander ' you are a JEW, a cir- 
' cumcised Jew .... but something is wanting to complete the 

* picture. My dear Lord, bear with me while I respectfully and 

* affectionately put once more the query WHY ARE NOT YOUR 
' SONS ALSO JEWS?' (p. 5 :) But this writer, after thus claiming 
perpetuity for Circumcision, goes on consistently enough to urge 
the continuance of the Sabbath, (pp. 30 32,) in addition to the 
Lord's Day the permanent observance of the Passover, (pp. 32 
35), and of the Feast of Tabernacles (pp. 35, 36) ; and, con- 
trary to all historical fact, believing that the tribes have been 
kept separate, asks (p. 49), why ' the baptized Cohen must re- 
' linquish his hereditary priesthood, and wait for the license of a 

* Gentile superior, ere he may dare to bless the congregation of 
' the Lord?' 

Mr. Oxlee even transcends this raving impiety: He claims as 
the 1. ' Concession to the Jewish convert, as a retention 'of the 

* law with the profession of the Gospel, Circumcision.' (p. 39.), 
2. * The due observance of the Sabbath, exactly as prescribed 
' by Moses.' (p. 41.) 3. In which he is certainly supported 
by high authorities, who, however, consider it binding upon all 

1 This notion of St. Paul's alteration of our Lord's Gospel finds place in the 
' Imaginary Conversations ' of that exceedingly profane person, Mr. W. S. Landor. 

2 Israel's Ordinances : a few thoughts on their perpetuity suggested in a letter to 
the Bight Rev. the Lord Bishop of Jerusalem. Seeley, 1843. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishojmcl-, 257 

Christians, ' The prohibition of blood and things strangled,' 1 
(p. 43.) 4. ' All the laws of servitude, marriage, leviration, and 
' divorce: of restitution, usury, pledges and trusts: of the dis- 

* tinction of meats: of the different sorts of uncleanness: of puri- 

* fications from childbirth, leprosy, and bodily accidents : of the 

* redemption from slavery: of the redemption of the first-born, 
' and of persons or things vowed to the Lord ; of the frontlets, 

* phylacteries and fringes, &c. &c.' (p. 45.) 5. ' The rule 
' never to address their prayers and supplications to any other 

* being than to God the Father of all.' (p. 46.) 6. ' To allow 
' the Jew to expound every text of the Old Testament on 

* grammatical principles:' (p. 49:) and when the Jews are re- 
stored to their hereditary possessions, Mr. Oxlee thinks that 

* though all expiatory sacrifices must cease to be offered, still 

* it does not follow that all public confession of the guilt is to be 

* dispensed with indeed, with the exception of sacrifices for sin, 

* all other legal sacrifices, including the daily morning and evening 

* sacrifices, [i. e. bloody sacrifices of animals,] will again continue 

* to be offered up, when once the opportunity arrives.' (p. 52.) 

We find that a converted Jew, named Hoga, also maintains 
the same views ; but we forbear from extracts which would only 
be painfully wearisome and disgusting to our readers. We 
should not have produced so many were it not to show what is 
meant by the anticipation of ' the common ground' which Jews 
and Christians are to have. 

If such outrageous consequences, though not always openly 
accredited by the sanction of the London Society, do con- 
sistently and legitimately flow from those extravagant views of 
prophecy, and that complete denial of the Church's regulating 
law of interpretation, which are avowed by the highest autho- 
rities in that Society, such as Dr. M'Caul and Mr. Cartwright, 
we may well charge upon them these sentiments so revolting to 
decency, to Christian honesty, common sense, and universal 
ecclesiastical consent, which we have had the pain to produce. 
For these sentiments the London Society is unquestionably 
responsible. 

It was during the growth of these pernicious and heretical 
sentiments that the Anglican Episcopate at Jerusalem was 
constituted ; and we have been particular in drawing attention 
to them, because, among all the discussions to which that un- 
happy experiment has given rise, we have not seen sufficient 

1 See the Tracts, ' The question about eating blood examined,' 1732. ' An en- 
quiry abont the lawfulness of eating blood,' 1738. ' The Apostolical decree at 
Jerusalem proved to be still in force, &c.' 1734. ' The doctrine of abstinence from 
blood defended,' 1734; in which the question is fully and ably discussed. We 
may also refer to an able and learned note (A.) to a passage in TertulHan's Apo- 
logy. (Oxford Translation, p. 107.) 

NO. LIIL N.S. S 



258 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

notice given to its Judaizing character, and to the innate Naza- 
rene sentiment which it involves, and the danger to the purity 
of Christian doctrine among ourselves, which, by its establish- 
ment, has first received consistency and Episcopal weight. It 
were comparatively harmless for a voluntary society to be send- 
ing its Anglicanized Lutherans over half the Continent, and to 
tesselate the parti-coloured aggregate of Oriental and Latin 
Churches, sects, heresies, and apostasies, which are to be found 
in such places as Jerusalem, Smyrna, Beyrout, and Cairo, 
with one more unintelligible fragment. But these measures, 
though they fixed pseudo-representatives of Anglicanism in 
foreign Sees and Patriarchates, would have given little disquiet 
to the passive and disdainful Oriental mind, compared with the 
formal recognition on the part of the English Church of the 
Nazarene heresy. For no less than this do we esteem Dr. 
McCaul's view of Bishop Alexander's position. To establish in 
Jerusalem a restored Church of the Circumcision to revive the 
extinct line of Hebrew Bishops to supersede the orthodox 
patriarch by a * converted Israelite,' whose throne was to be of 
elder birth, and whose authority was to be of more primitive 
precedence ; this, if any thing, is Nazarenism. And if it should 
be said that but little of this is avowed in the * Statement of 
Proceedings,' &c , we admit it. But the official caution which 
official papers imply, is thrown off when the real promoters of 
the scheme, in the first transports of joy, let out their real object. 
The Jewish Intelligence of December, 1841, is explicit enough. 
Describing the consecration of Bishop Alexander, November 7th, 
1841, the accredited organ of the Society proceeds: 

' A few Sundays before, an apostle to the Gentiles 1 had been 

* consecrated in the same place, and now, the first time after the 
' lapse of many, many centuries, an apostle to the Circumcision, 
' himself a Hebrew of the Hebrews, destined for the land of 

* Israel, and appointed to the Holy City, received his commis- 

' sion The consecration of a Jewish-Christian to be a 

' shepherd unto Israel, is an event unheard of since the day that 

* Jerusalem was delivered to be trodden down of the Gentiles, 
' and forms an era in the history, both of the Jewish nation and 

* the Christian Church The feast of ingathering has 

* now begun. What the friends of Israel longed and prayed 

* and laboured for, was not simply the conversion of a few 
' individuals, but the resuscitation of the Jewish people, the resur- 
1 rection of the Jewish Church. Now, though the erection of the 
' new bishop rick, suffraganto the see of Canterbury, cannot be viewed 
' at present as the attainment of that devout wish, it must be 
' considered as a considerable approximation to it. The place is 

1 Alluding to the revered Bishop Selwyn. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem JJishoprick. 259 

' Jerusalem the Bishop a Hebrew and, as we have been cre- 
' dibly informed, in the remarkable documents which have passed 
' on the occasion, there is an express stipulation, that when the 
' Jewish Church and nation is again acknowledged as independent, 
' the dependence of the bishoprick of Jerusalem on the see of Can- 
' terburij 1 is to cease.' 2 Jewish Intelligence, December, 1841j 
pp. 3^6, 391. 

This surely is speaking out intelligibly enough. Whether 
this independence of the Jerusalem See remains a secret article 
in any of the ' remarkable documents ' referred to, of course we 
cannot pronounce : it is not alluded to, that we are aware, in 
any other way than the dark one alluded to in our note. And 
the acknowledgment of its intention remains either a monument 
of the prudence of some parties, or the inconvenient imprudence 
of others. There, however, it is ; what the ulterior object and 
real purpose of the London Society is, must remain past a doubt, 
even with the most scrupulous. And we especially commit this 
most important extract to the notice of those who have hesitated, 
perhaps, to follow our strictures. 

To the other considerations which the establishment of the 
Jerusalem Bishoprick involves, sufficient and elaborate examina- 
tion has been given, both in these pages and elsewhere. We do 
not propose to go again over ground already trodden : or to re- 
produce objections, both to its principle and details, to which no 
answer has yet been attempted. On this occasion we only seek 
to complete the case against that most untoward experiment 
an experiment now, we fear, about to be repeated and if under 
other, still under grave, circumstances of suspicion and dismay. 
It seems as though wrath were all but visibly displayed against 
this unhallowed scheme : and if, on the first occasion, Bishop 
Alexander's appointment introduced the Nazarene heresy into 
our Episcopate, it is reserved for M. Gobat to involve us in 
anti-dogmatic statements, and a plain compromise of the Catholic 
Faith, which, if possible, will ruin us with the Oriental com- 
munities, as well as it has already gone far to identify us with 
foreign Protestantism. Can it be that the Jerusalem Bishoprick 

1 The last Italics are in the original. 

2 This intimation throws light upon a clause otherwise obscure, and which has 
been misunderstood, in the Statement of Proceedings, which announces that ' the 
' Bishop will be subject to the Archbishop of Canterbury, until the local circum- 
' stancesof his Bishoprick shall be such as to make itexpedient, in the opinion of the 
' Bishops of that united Church, to establish some other relation.' As the imme- 
diate antecedent to the expression ' that united Church ' was ' the Crowns of Eng- 
land and Prussia,' some have thought, but incorrectly, that the proviso of the future 
independence of the See at Jerusalem pointed to a probable and expected union of 
those communities. It is clear that it hints at a future development of the Angli- 
can Bishoprick when it shall become the Metropolis of a pure Hebrew-Christian 
Church ; i. f. when the Jewish body shall become once more nationalized and 
Christianized if we may not say Christian. 

s 2 



260 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bis/ioprick. 

must, from some awful and strange law of Divine purpose, suc- 
cessively take up and incorporate and give bodily form to every 
floating and undeveloped form*of, or tendency towards, heresy 
and confusion, which exists in whatever rudimental and typical 
shape among us ? It is as though to speak familiarly we were 
trying them all round. 

Next in importance to the Judaizing element of the Jeru- 
salem Bishoprick comes its Protestantizing element. The 
London Society being the visible representative of the former : 
we turn to the Chevalier Bunsen as the concrete form of the 
latter. Now, to speak plainly, it is only within a very short time 
that M. Bunsen has shown what he is. Hitherto the Church of 
England has but discovered in this gentleman, a good religious 
person, of taste, literature, and acquirements, sincerely desirous 
to introduce the Anglican Episcopate into Prussia, and whose 
own estimate of the Church of England was sufficiently pledged 
by the fact of one of his sons having received an Oxford educa- 
tion, and Anglican orders. In his share in the establishment of 
the Pruss-Anglic-Hierosolymitan-Hebrew-Christian (the awful 
many-voiced compound extends almost to Aristophanic length as 
its successive (rroi\t?a pass across the field of view) Episcopate, 
we have been hitherto content to see a really earnest spirit, with 
somewhat of the Arnold leaning and as befits an ambassador 
not without a slight, but pardonable, political bias. We have 
now to view him in his true character: the mask has been 
gradually dropped ; and M. Bunsen, the representative of the 
* Evangelical National Church of Prussia,' to whom we have 
accorded ' a sisterly position in the Holy Land' M. Bunsen, 
on whom the greatest confidence was placed M. Bunsen, the 
adviser and counsellor of Archbishops and Bishops M. Bunsen, 
who, whether for good or for evil, has, as a fact, assisted in 
introducing into the Church of England a new element unknown 
to its existence of fifteen centuries M. Bunsen, the planner, 
contriver, and constructor of the Bishoprick M. Bimsen comes 
out at last : and this under the decided form of Rationalist, with 
very considerable leanings to something worse. This is a grave 
charge, we own, against one in whom so much confidence has 
been placed. 

As to his Rationalism, we need do no more than refer to a 
valuable communication which we have sought, and which we 
append to our present Number, upon his lately published work 
on Egypt ; in which it will be seen that M. Bunsen not only 
rationalizes himself, but adopts and praises a writer of a most 
offensive and dangerous degree of rank and blasphemous un- 
belief Ewald. 

As to other tendencies, we appeal to his * Die Vcrfassung des 






Judaism and the Jerusalem Blshoprick. 261 

Kirche Zukunft,' (* The Constitution of the Church of the 
Future,') in which he openly avows that he anticipates, not a 
revival of the dogmatism of any Church, but a free Church to 
come a Church of the national life, which shall be different 
from, yet incorporate the (alleged) good of all other systems and 
Churches which shall be neither Protestant nor Catholic, but 
something compounded of both which shall be the visible sign 
of the progress of the age of the philosophic development of 
Christianity in his own significant words, * The Church of the 
Future.' A specimen or two for we hope to take up the work 
more fully will show what M. Bunsen's notion of an Epis- 
copate is. Against the common and plainest notion that 
Episcopacy is an essential condition of the existence of a Church 
against such a notion which, good easy Anglicans, we thought, 
was the growing sentiment in Germany, and the especial convic- 
tion of M. Bunsen, and which induced many of us, even some so 
respected and so cautious as Dr. Hook, Mr. Perceval, and Mr. 
Palmer, of Worcester College, in 1842, actually to welcome the 
Jerusalem scheme as a providential means of Catholicizing all 
Protestant Germany against this notion the very fundamental 
of Anglican Churchmanship, M. Bunsen protests with as much 
plainness as profanity. 

' If an angel from heaven should manifest to me, that by 

* introducing, or asserting, or favouring only, the introduction 
' of such an Episcopacy into any part of Germany, I should not 

* only make the German nation glorious and powerful over all 

* the nations of the world ; nay, combat successfully the unbe- 
' lief, pantheism, atheism of the day, I should not do it, So 

* help me God! Amen.' 1 

We subjoin other passages from the same work, ' The Church 
of the Future,' showing the Chevalier's estimate of the Anglican 
ministry even more fully. 

' Who dare treat and regard a Christian brother-people as 
' Judah's priesthood did that of Israel ? Such an one would 

* renounce the evangelic faith, and make himself an inconsequent 

* papist, or a secret Jew.' P. 300. 

* Every existing Church of a country has to maintain its own 

* rights and its freedom, not only because it would otherwise 
' acknowledge that its past had been hitherto illegal, its ministry 

* of the word hitherto unapostolic, but out of a good conscience 
' before God and man. By acknowledging those claims and 
' those rights of the supreme authority, in a Church standing 
' without the compass of its people, it would evince great ig- 

* norance, or bring on itself the participation in a great sin. All 

1 Surely this vehement language should induce those who adapt it to be rather 
more chary in their condemnation of the ' anathemas' of other people. 



262 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bifhoprick, 

' restriction of an office to a certain caste is misperception of the 
' universal character of Christianity, and the universality of the 
' Priesthood of the faithful, as well as of the independence of 
' each Christian nation in ecclesiastical things. Christianit;/ 
' would not be of a Divine nature, if its continuance were bound 
' up with certain persons with Levitical privileges; and the 
' congregation would not have received the Spirit, did it depend 

* on the arbitrary will of any class of men out of it, to give it a 
' right in the historical Church of Christ, and a seat on the 
' Throne in the Kingdom of God.' P. 301, 2. 

' On account of this higher object, [the brotherly recognition 

* of the Episcopate of the Church of a country,] only the duty 
' of maintaining a disputed fundamental doctrine of the Evan- 

* gelic Church [the non-essentiality of the Apostolical suc- 
' cession,] ought to withhold us irom doing that which the 
' Church of each country does within itself, when it once has 

* Bishops not to consecrate Bishops without a Bishop. 

* Here, as everywhere, the first principle of the Church of the 
' Future can alone decide Love. If we remove the question from 

* the ground of right in the Clergy-Church [the Church of 
' England,] to that of the right of this Church, the whole ques- 

* tion is changed. On this ground, Mcllvaine, Bishop of 

* the State of Ohio, is just as near to the Evangelical Church of 
' the country in Germany as a Bishop of Magdeburg and his 
' Church would be to the Bishop and Church of Berlin ; and a 
' Bishop of the poor, persecuted Moravian congregation (whether 
' they have been uninterruptedly consecrated by Episcopal 

* hands, or, as all Alexandrian Bishops to the fourth cen- 

* tury, 1 only by their brother elders,) as great as the Archbishop 
' of Canterbury. 

' In itself, then, from this point of view, it is most natural 
4 that, if there be anywhere Bishops united in faith and animated 
' by Christian love, these should not be therefore passed over 

* or excluded, because they belong to the Church of the same 
' country, or the same people, or the same quarter of the \\orld.' 
P. 308. 

* Those unfree, foolish, unevangelic, unapostolic, uncatholic 
' claims, which, here and elsewhere, we have so strongly re- 
' jected, are only so far connected with our proposal, in that 
' they might make its application here [in Germany] question- 
' able, on account of the duty of maintaining a principle, there 
' [in England] on account of the Clergy-maxims which have 
' found entrance, impossible. Yet is the Protestant-episcopal 



1 [St. Jerome, in his Epist. ad Evagr., (on which this often-repeated statement 
is founded,) says only, that in Alexandria the Presbyters elected out of their own 
body and named, not that they consecrated, their Bishop. In the same place he 
speaks of ordination as the special office of the Bishop.] 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 263 

' Church of Sweden, in this respect, quite free ; the American 
* [reformed] equally so ; the Missionary Church of the Evan- 
' gelical German Congregation, the Moravian Brethren, lastly, 
' freer and nearer than all.' P. 309. > 

For this candour we sincerely thank Chevalier Bunsen : we 
wish that all the promoters and friends of ulterior intentions 
were equally explicit and intelligible. His offer to go to Bishop 
Mcllvaine or the Moravian (so-called) Bishops, cannot but have 
its value among ourselves. Anything will do for M. Bunsen 
but Episcopacy as of Divine Right. 

Thus much of the originators of the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 
They have succeeded : they have made instruments of the heads 
of the English Church. We do not throw great blame upon 
the English Prelates who, in 1841, accepted the patronage of 
the London Society, or who cooperated with M. Bunsen in 
giving existence to this politico-ecclesiastical novelty. The 
English Bishops had not time to investigate the secret springs 
and tendencies, and obscure intimations, and distant hopes, 
and earnest, however concealed, anticipations which were at 
work about them. Whatever the result has been, the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London, did not intend 
to found a See which should be the first instalment of Dr. 
Arnold's views on Church reform which should be the fixation 
of the Nazarene heresy in a practical and visible, and that an 
Episcopal, institution which, to all the world, except ourselves, 
should pass for a direct identification of our Catholic branch with 
the Prussian Evangelical Church. The English Bishops had not 
toiled through the weary reports and publications of the London 
Society ; and, which we have now, the English Bishops had not 
the light of actual history the four years and a half existence 
and working of the Jerusalem See by which to judge of its 
real nature. 

The last point then to which we have to ask attention is 
What are the positive results of the Jerusalem Bishoprick ? 
What are its fruits ? How have the anticipations of its success 
been fulfilled ? These are questions which we are now in some 
condition to answer : the scheme is, in its first stage, already a 
matter of history. One whole act has been played through : a 
single Episcopate has been concluded : we are not, therefore, with- 
out historical materials, which we shall now attempt to arrange. 

1. The introduction of the Episcopate into Germany 

We find in a pamphlet published in 1845, ' the Jerusalem 
Bishoprick' reprinted from a monthly magazine, that 'there 

1 Sec another extract below at p. 268, in the notice of the German pamphlets, 
(No. 31.) 



264 Judaism and the Jerusalem BishopricTc. 

* never was the slightest intention of offering to, much less of 

* forcing upon, the German Protestant Churches the constitution 

* or liturgy of the Anglican Church. The king never proposed, 
' the Archbishop of Canterbury never entertained, any proposal 

* for union.' Perhaps not : the disclaimer is cautiously worded. 
There never was a 'proposal for union:' but in the name of 
common honesty, was not a lure and a hint thrown out, was not 
an intimation given was not a suggestion made was not this 
the golden end for the contingent gain of which so many of our 
Churchmen were induced at last to look, some with favour and 
more with silence, on the establishment of the See ? Let us see 
this : 

The Jewish Intelligence of December, 1841, p. 390, speaks of 

* the hope which it holds out of the union between the Protes- 

* tants of Germany with the Church of England.' 

The Statement by Authority 'reasonably hopes that, under 

* the Divine blessing, it may lead the way to an essential unity of 
' discipline, as well as of doctrine, between our own Church and 
' the less perfectly constituted of the Protestant Churches of 

* Europe.' 

The London Society, in their Address to the King of Prussia, 
(Jewish Intelligence, March 1842, p. 70,) 'hail in it the begin- 
'ning of a new era; hail in it the establishment of political 

* relations on the rock of religion of Christian intercourse with 
' our sister Churches, of Catholic union with national indepen- 

* dence, throughout Protestant Europe.' 

Dr. McCauTs Consecration Sermon, p. 15, says, ' It is to be 
' hoped that the Bishoprick at Jerusalem may become the bond 

* of union between Christians of England and Germany,' and 
that ' such an union of Protestant Churches is desirable.' 

We own that the carefully worded 'Instructions of the 
King of Prussia to his Ambassador, M. Bunsen,' 1 do not give 
any direct indications of what was generally assumed in Eng- 
land. If there never was any such intention, if what Chevalier 
Bunsen steadily anticipated from the beginning was his specu- 
lative Church of the Future and the King's instructions bear out 
this view we can only say in plain words that our Bishops were 
taken in. They persisted in understanding in one sense what 
the astute Prussian intended in another, though to suit a tem- 
porary purpose he was not unwilling that it should pass in 
whatever sense it might bear. What the real sentiments of the 

1 This document, (in our list at p. 268, the pamphlet which contains it is num- 
bered 30,) and two others, even more valuable, we add by way of appendix, (No. I.) 
thinking it desirable that these pages should preserve the authoritative documents 
the materials of future history in a more permanent form than that of fugitive 
pamphlet?. 






Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 265 

Germans themselves towards the scheme are, we gather from 
a very useful syllabus of we believe nearly all the foreign pub- 
lications on the subject, which we reprint from the Ecclesiastic. 
The article reappears in these pages, because it was originally 
written at our desire by one who has unusual and unquestionable 
opportunities for acquaintance with German literature and the 
German mind. It appears also in a more correct form ; and it 
must convince, we think, the supporters of the scheme how 
lamentably unfit German Protestantism is for our sympathies, 
and how universally any comprehensive scheme is condemned 
in Germany. Only those English works are included which 
have been translated abroad : 

1. ' Statement of Proceedings relating to the Establishment of a Bishop- 
rick of the United Church of England and Ireland in Jerusalem. Published 
by authority.' Contains the regulations to be adopted, among which are 
remarkable especially 1. That the clergymen for German congregations 
are to be ordained according to the rites of the Anglican Church upon sub- 
scribing the Thirty-nine Articles; and 2. That catechumens of the German 
congregation shall be confirmed by the Bishop. But the most extraordi- 
nary part of the Statement is the hope expressed, ' that under the Divine 
4 blessing it may lead the way to an essential unity of discipline, as well as 
' of doctrine, between our own Church and the less perfectly constituted 
' Churches of Europe.' 

2. ' Das Licht am Abend. Ein Wort iiber Israel's Zukunft. Von J. T. E. 
Sander, Pastor zu Elberfeld.' Looks upon the scheme only in the light of 
a powerful missionary enterprise, and is full of hope of benefits to result 
from it. 

3. ' Tiibinger Theologische Quartalschrift. Der Protestantische Bischof 
Alexander von Jerusalem, Cyrillus Lukaris, und die Tiibinger Professorem ; 
oder die alten und neuen Versuche den Orient zu protestantisiren. Von Dr. 
Hefele, 1843.' A Roman Catholic publication against the Bishoprick summed 
up in these words : ' After all that we have said, it will not assuredly be 
' presumptuous, if we pronounce the new Bishoprick to be a total failure, 
' which will not accomplish one of its many purposes.' 

4. ' H. Ternaux-Compans ; de 1'etablissement d'un Eveche Protestant a 
Jerusalem, au prejudice des droits de la. France. Paris, 1842.' The author 
considers the project merely as a political and commercial speculation on 
the part of England, intended to counteract the influence exercised in Syria 
by France and Austria. The Roman Catholic Bishop of Antioch had this 
translated into Arabic and circulated in his diocese. 

5. ' Revue des deux mondes. Fevrier Ir, 1842,' ascribes the project rather 
to the ambitious designs of Prussia, which aims at a new monarchy of 
Europe to supersede the old empire of Rome. 

6. ' L'Univers, Avril 12, 1842.' 'The supreme authorities of the Evan- 
' gelical Lutheran Church of Prussia every where declare against the schemes 
' of union between German Protestantism and the Protestantism of England; 
' and equally also against that juste-milieu religion, which is neither Catholic 
' nor Protestant, and which its adversaries designate under the name of 
' " M. Bunsen's Religione capitolienne." ' 

7. ' Protestantism and the Churches in the East : a Tract for the Times. 
Stereotyped for the Catholic Institute of Great Britain, 1842. Motto, 
Matt. xv. 13.' An able exposition of all the dangers, difficulties, and in- 
consistencies of the project. 



266 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

8. ' A Letter to His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury on some cir- 
cumstances connected with the present crisis in the English Church. By 
E. B. Pusey, D.D , 1842.' Translated into German under the title, ' Beitrage 
zur bessern Wiirdigung des VVesens und der Bedeutung des Puseyismus, &c., 
nebst einer Einleitung von Moritz Petri, Pastor in Mvinden;' and contri- 
buted to increase the public dissatisfaction in Germany. 

9. ' A Letter to Dr. Pusey in reference to certain Charges contained in 
his Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury. By the Rev. H. Abeken, 
Chaplain to H. P. M.'s Legation at Rome. London, 1842.' ' You certainly 
' must never expect us to come to you, or to any other Church, for the gift 
4 of Episcopacy, as imparting to our ministry a Divine commission which 
4 they had not had before.' P. 52. 

10. ' The Bishoprick of the United Church of England and Ireland at Jeru- 
salem, considered in a Letter to a Friend. By J. R. Hope, Chancellor of 
the Diocese of Salisbury. 1841.' 

11. ' Sermon preached at the Consecration of Bishop Alexander. By Dr. 
McCaul. Translated into German under the title, " Stimmen iiber Jerusa- 
lem." By K. Kirsch, Berlin.' The German reviewers take offence at the 
passage which states, ' The very fact of the existence of clergy and congre- 
' gations in those regions, without the residence, or even the occasional 
' visit, of a Bishop, is in itself sufficient to mislead the Christians of the 
4 East. Their Bishops will not, ought not, to enter into ecclesiastical nego- 
4 tiations with unauthorized presbyters or erratic laymen.' 

12. 'The Light of the World. A Sermon preached on Sunday, Jan. 
30th, 1842, in S. Paul's Cathedral, (in the presence of the King of Prussia.) 
By C. J. Bishop of London. Translated into German by Reichardt. Leipzig, 
1842.' This contains the following remarkable passage: ' Let not those 

whose duty it is to bear forth this light unto the outer world, substitute 
the Church for Christ, the body for the Spirit, the throne for Him that 
sitteth thereon, and the shrine for the Deity who inhabits it. Let them 
not forget that the Church, in which they bear office, although its origin is 
Divine, and its authority indefeasible, is not itself the light, but only the 
Instrument ordained for its diffusion.' ' Nor let them think nor speak more 
uncharitably of other national Churches than the Fathers of our own have 
spoken.' But German critics soon called attention to the fact that in the 
Three Sermons on the Church,' preached in Lent, 1842, the Bishop, in 
evident contradiction to these words, speaks of a Church without an Apos- 
tolical Succession of Bishops, as in the highest degree imperfect. 

13. ' Archives, 1842. No. 2.' ' The Prussian Church is concerned to know, 
4 if it consents to follow its political head in this view, and if it is ready to 
4 receive that Episcopal ordination from England, which must soon be 
' offered, if not imposed upon it.' 

14. 4 Semeur, 1842. No. 6.' (Organ of what is considered the High Church 
French Protestants.) ' It is now two years since the question was put, 
4 whether it was possible to construct an Ecclesiastical government by 
4 Bishops for French Protestantism, and to attach it, not only through a 
4 community of principles and confession, but in fact also to the visible 
4 Apostolic Church, by procuring its candidates for the ministry to be 
4 ordained by an Anglican Bishop. This is the plan, commenced in various 
4 ways, and hitherto unerringly pursued, which we are now called upon to 
4 denounce.' 

15. 4 Gesprach iiber das neue Bisthum zu Jerusalem, &c. .Von Dr. 
Karl Schrader. Leipzig, 1842.' Heartily in favour of the scheme, especially 
as promising the introduction of Episcopacy into Germany. 

16. 4 Historisch-kritische Betrachtungen, &c., &c. Von Dr. Erail Ferdi- 
nand Vogel. Leipzig, 1842.' Assuming that it is intended to assimilate 
German Protestantism to Anglicanism, the author gives a sketch of the 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 267 

history, constitution, and forms of worship of the English Church, and 
endeavours to prove that they must necessarily be lifeless and stagnant, and 
totally incompatible with the progressive spirit of true Protestantism. 

17. ' Freundiiche Belehrung iiber das evangelische Bisthum zu Jeru- 
salem. Von W. F. Siutenis. Magdeburg, 1843.' An apology for the pro- 
ject, and thus describes its purpose: 'Its intention yes its intention 
' is to procure for the Protestant side also a home, in opposition to the 
' Greek-Catholic, Armenian, Syrian, and Roman Church-Communions, all 
' of whom have gained a footing there.' 

18. ' Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung. Nos. 317, 322, 329, 1841. 
Nos. 5, 35, 36, 48, 68, 69, 1842.' Defends the scheme, but denies the in- 
tention of introducing Episcopacy into Germany, and asserts that the words 
of the Archbishop 'are of no consequence to us Germans.' 

19. ' Literarische Zeitung, 1842. Nos. 6, 19,25.' Also apologetical ; 
but disapproves, (No. 25,) of the Archbishop's 'intermeddling.' 

20. ' Heidelberger Jahrbiicher, 1842. Nos. 4548. 1843. No. 7.' An 
article written by Credner, violently condemning English Episcopacy. 

21. 'Neues Sophronizon II. 2. p. 243266; III. 1. p. 1149, By Dr. 
Paulus. Reprinted as separate pamphlets. 1842.' Violently condemning 
the scheme, and directed chiefly against the Archbishop's expression. 

22. ' Das Anglo-Preussische Bisthum in Jerusalem und was daran 
hangt. Freiburg, 1842. Anon. (By Professors Hundeshagen and 
Schueckenburger at Bern). Has been translated into English.' Declares 
the scheme to be ' an enormous sacrifice on the part of Prussia, ' of all 
' the principles of the Evangelical Church ;' and the intended ordination 
of German candidates on subscription of the Thirty-nine Articles and 
Confession of Augsburg, 'a monster of ecclesiastical law.' This was the 
most successful of all the publications on the subject, and best expresses 
the popular opinion in Germany. It was reviewed in bitter terms in the 

23. 'Evangelische Kirchen Zeitung. 1842. No. 59, by H. L. (Leo).' 
This publication has been the chief defender of the scheme. 

24. Jahrbiicher fur Wissenschaftliche Kritik. 1842. No. 116, written by 
Marheinike.' Condemns the scheme: asserts the Anglican Church to be 
destitute of all freedom. 

25. ' Reformationspredigt von de Wette.' The preface takes nearly the 
same line, and dwells on ' the principle of decay in the Anglican Church.' 

26. ' Harless Zeitschrift fur Protestantismus und Kirche, 1842, iv.' 
An article written by Petri, declares it to be ' a specimen of a principle of 
' union, sufficiently flexible only to incorporate into its own Church the 
' doctrine and constitution of another, and entirely to subordinate it.' 

27. ' Das Bisthum in Jerusalem. Von Inspektor W. Hoffman. Pub- 
lished in " Beleuchtungen der Missionsache," 1842, No. 6.' Not against 
the Bishoprick in Jerusalem, but complains that 'the German element had 
' been entirely absorbed by the English one; ' and, as a missionary enter- 
prise, looks on it with more fear than hope. 

28. ' Kabinets Ordre von 28 June, 1842, containing a proclamation from 
the Archbishop of Canterbury.' The most material differences between the 
provisions of this and the ' Statement,' are, that the signature of the Con- 
fession of Augsburg and of the Thirty-nine Articles, is no longer required 
from German candidates before ordination; and that, in lieu thereof, they 
are to be examined by the Bishop, and sign the three Creeds. The Lite- 
rarische Zeitung, No. 25, had made a statement which seems to account 
for these alterations. The propositions first made by the Primate of the 
' Anglican Church, have, according to certain information, not been 
' accepted by Prussia; but fresh negotiations, which promise a more 
' favourable result, have been commenced.' 

29. ' Die Orientalische Frage der Deutsch-evangelischen kirche. Bern. 



268 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

1843. (Anon.) (Professor Schneckenburger.)' Its design is to elicit from 
the Prussian Government a plain and distinct avowal, 'that it was intended 
' in any way to anglicanize the German Evangelical Church; that there 
' was decidedly no negotiation about Apostolical Bishops, as the accounts 
' of the establishment of a Bishoprick at Jerusalem had led many to appre- 
' hend, and as has been uniformly asserted by the Anglicans.' 

30. ' Das Evangelische Bisthum in Jerusalem. Geschichtliche Dar- 
stellung mit Urkunden. Berlin, 1842. (By Abeken.)' Valuable as 
containing all the documents, the King's instructions to his Ambassador, 
the forms of ordination, confirmation, &c. In this official publication, the 
silent omission of the largest and most important part of the 'Statement, 
' published by authority,' appears extraordinary. The author dwells with 
satisfaction upon the fact, that, ' to the Protestant Church of Germany had 
' been silently conceded the distinctive note of a true Church;' and main- 
tains that the English Bishops, in giving their hearty assent to the King of 
Prussia's proposal, had no idea of interfering with the ' preservation of 
' German nationality;' bathe does not account for the very contrary inten- 
tion manifested in the ' Statement' published six months later : he dwells 
further upon the subjects of ordination and confirmation, and shows that 
the German element is preserved in its integrity. 

31. ' Briefweschel iiber die deutsche Kirsche, das Episcopat und Jeru- 
salem. (Letters between Mr. Gladstone and Chevalier Bunsen.) Hand- 
schrift fur Freunde. Hamburg, 1844.' Published 1846, as Introduction to 
Bunsen's work, ' Die Zukunft der Kirche.' Vindicates the correctness of 
' Geschichtliche Darstellung.' The work advocates the introduction of 
Episcopacy into the German Church, but not the Apostolical Episcopacy 
of the English Church ; which M. Bunsen condemns in terms as strong as 
any which have been used by any opponent of the Bishoprick. ' If ever, 
' and at any time, the Episcopate in the sense of Anglicanism should be 
' raised into a distinctive mark of Churchdom among us, not constitutionally 
' and nationally, it would, in my opinion, be striking the death-blow to the 
' innermost germ of life in the Church.' He will exert every energy, and 
shed the last drop of his blood, ' in order to preserve the Church of the 
German nation against such an episcopacy.' 

32. ' Die Berliner Evangelische Kirchen Zeitung im Kampfe fur das 
Bisthum in Jerusalem. Von Dr. M. Schneckenburger. Bern, 1844.' In 
a more conciliatory tone than his former publications ; properly a reply to 
the review of these in the Evan. Kirchen-zeitung. Concludes with observ- 
ing, ' that at Berlin, nobody thinks of introducing, according to the pattern 
' of Jerusalem or England, the " ordines" instead of the " ordo" nor of 
' ordaining candidates for the diaconate ; that nobody declares it a 
' duty to profit by present political relations in order to create for the 
' Church permanent institutions, in a definite sense; that with respect to 
' the Palestine Liturgy, sanctioned by the Archbishop of Canterbury, nobody 
' thinks of trying whether it might not also be found suitable for the 
' Church at home.' 

33. ' De 1'Eveche Anglican a Jerusalem: Lettre respectueuse a M. 
William Howley, se disant Lord Archeveque de Cantorbery. Paris, 1842.' 
A most venomous attack on the scheme, by a French Protestant Pastor. 
It has been translated into English by Mr. J. M. Hare. 

34. ' Dialogus de Ecclesia Anglicana et de Regimine Ecclesiastica. 
Auctore C. F. Weber. Nerolingae, 1843.' A remarkably stupid perform- 
ance in imitation of Erasmus, displaying more acrimony than wit. It 
concludes with expressing a conviction that ' Germany has nothing to gain 
' in the way of rites, or discipline, or doctrine, from the Anglican Church, 
' and, therefore, that the present solitary condition of that country must, 
' by all means, be retained.' 



Judaism and the Jerusalem BlshopricJc. 269 

2. The next point of importance, contemplated by the founders 
of the scheme, ' was to establish and maintain relations of 
' Christian charity with other Churches represented at Jeru- 
' salem, and in particular with the Orthodox Greek Church ; 

* taking special care to convince them, that the Church of 
' England does not wish to disturb, or divide, or interfere with 

* them.' (Statement of Proceedings.) How far has this pious 
wish, and most honourable and sincere intention on the part of 
the English Primate, been blessed with success ? We find 
almost a perfect blank in this branch of the subject. 

But what facts are recorded tend, we are very much afraid, to 
the conviction, that relations of amity and friendly intercourses, 
and the restoration of communion with the Orientals, are rather 
postponed than accelerated by the Episcopate of Bishop Alex- 
ander. As the most unlikely mode of securing this object, we 
may point to the selection of a Jew for the first Anglican 
Bishop. Whether rightly or wrongly, the Jews are despised 
and contemned by the Oriental Christians ; and the very notion 
of a mission to them, as planned and conducted under the 
auspices of the London Society, they cannot be brought to 
understand, not even to entertain the notion. This was one 
untoward way of conciliating Oriental prejudices. 

The next blunder was the mission of a married Bishop in 
regions where the Bishops "are strictly bound by the celibate. 
The family of young children the vescovini who caused so 
much remark at the time, the confinement of one lady of the 
mission, a clergyman's wife, on board the Devastation, in which 
Bishop Alexander embarked, (Jewish Intelligence, February, 
1842, p. 60,) and that of Mrs. Alexander, almost immediately 
upon her arrival in Syria were, we repeat it with reluctance, 
serious obstacles, however unavoidable ones, to the excellent 
objects set forth by the Archbishop. 

Another cause of distrust in the Mission, is its location at 
Jerusalem. Jerusalem is the Holy City to the whole Catholic 
Church, and to all those Christians who inhabit it, in a very 
different sense from that in which it is the Holy City to the 
Jews. Now Bishop Alexander and his mission consider it the 
Holy City only in the Jewish sense ; it is not because of the 
Holy Sepulchre not because of the sacred Christian sites, that 
Jerusalem was made the Anglican See, but because it antici- 
pated the return of the Jews, as Jews, to the land of their 
fathers. Hence the Anglican Bishop was found much more often 
at the synagogue than at the Holy Sepulchre; at home with 
the Jews, and at etiquette and formalities with his Catholic and 
Christian brethren. Mrs. Alexander, at least, called on the 
' Chief Rabbi of the Spanish Jews at Jerusalem,' and this 



270 Judaism and the Jerusalem BisJtoprick. 

personage * presented his respects to the Bishop.' {Jewish Intel- 
ligence, June, 1845, p. 188.) Elsewhere we hear of Mrs. 
Alexander visited by 'Jewish ladies.' These, we think, serious 
practical blunders. 

Next in order, may be mentioned the (necessarily) unsatis- 
factory way in which the public services were conducted by the 
Anglican Bishop. The offices, such as they were, said in Hebrew 
were a stumbling-block. The absence of vestments and ceremo- 
nial creates a very serious prejudice among those who probably 
make too much of such things. And we have a right to ask, when 
so much is cheerfully conceded to the Jews in the way of exter- 
nals, why some allowance is not to be made for the fact of the state 
of Oriental feeling in this respect ? If we really desire to attract 
the Oriental mind, we must present as much dignity and exter- 
nal * pomp and circumstance' in our worship, as our ritual can, 
on the most comprehensive interpretation, be made to bear. It 
is not for an innate or aesthetic love to mere ceremonial, as such, 
when we declare our conviction, that lights, crosses, incense, rich 
vestments, processions, frequent services, and chants, would do 
more to impress the orthodox Bishops with our orthodoxy, than ten 
thousand trumpery tracts from 'the Malta Press.' It is a sad fact, 
but we know it from the very highest authority, that of an intel- 
ligent person who has spent many years in the East, and who was 
in immediate connexion with the clergy of many Oriental bodies, 
both orthodox and heretical, that the only notion which the 
Orientals can form of our religion, as practised by the mission- 
aries with whom they come into contact, is, that we English are a 
sort of Mohammedans, only without their strictness. Among the 
Mohammedans, and among ourselves, they desiderate the notion 
of worship as to an Object. They cannot believe that preaching 
sermons, at which the Mohammedans are just as punctual as 
ourselves, and no more, and this only once a week in a black 
gown and all this without forms, and without a Liturgy, (we 
use the word in its proper sense,) can be Christianity of any sort. 
Of course, the Greeks are wrong-headed and obstinate ; but it 
is a fact that this is their estimate of our religion. And while 
it remains so, is it worth while, even for prudence' sake, to 
persist in a dull, naked room-preaching, which can only end in 
confirming prejudices and increasing scandals ? 

But not only have the proceedings of the Anglican mission 
been of this negatively prejudicing and damaging character to 
the Church of England, but we detect, at least in one incident, 
a direct and positive departure from the principles laid down 
in the Statement of Proceedings, and in the Commendatory 
Letters. If any one feature in the whole measure could 
reasonably be supposed to be understood, and to remain fixed. 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Binkoprick. 271 

and unalterable, and final and definite for ever, it was the dis- 
claimer of any wish or intention to proselytize among the Oriental 
Churches. It was on this point that the orthodox Churches felt 
the most natural jealousy. It was on this point that the Arch- 
bishop's undertaking and promise was most clear. How far 
this undertaking has been carried out, may be seen by the 
following extract. We do not say that the schismatical Greeks 
have been, as a fact, yet received into our community by the 
English mission at Jerusalem ; but it is sufficiently startling to 
find admissions from the authorities there that they might have 
been, and, perhaps, under a change of circumstances which is 
clearly anticipated, will be, so admitted. This, we do not 
hesitate to say, is directly opposed to the Archbishop's inten- 
tions and objects. It appears that some reports about the 
' application of Greeks for admission into the Protestant Church, 
had reached England.' What those reports were is not very 
clear; but it seems that the London Society sent them to 
Jerusalem for authentication or explanation. Mr. Veitch, 
Bishop Alexander's chaplain, replies as follows : 

* There is one, and only one word of truth in the extract you 

* sent us from the " Achill Missionary Herald," although the 
' report about the Bishop of Jerusalem purports to come " direct 
* " from the Holy Land," and on " high authority," viz., that 
' some Greeks did apply to the Bishop for admission into the 
' English Church, (or, as they expressed it, " to be made 

* " Inglese"). The King of Prussia was never consulted, and 
' volunteered no interference. The applicants were not refused, 
' but advised, as the Bishop had not immediately the means of 
' doing for them what they required, to return home, and 

* quietly await the result of a careful consideration of their case ; 
' nor did they join themselves to the Presbyterian Church of 

* Scotland, there being, in fact, no such Church in the part of 

* the country where they dwelt. The Bishop was by no means 

* satisfied that the application for admission to communion was 

* the result of spiritual light only, and that political motives had 
' nothing to do with it. But even had there been very satisfac- 

* tory evidence of pure spiritual desire for escape from a corrupt 
' and superstitious communion, and for admission into a Church 

* possessing the truth, and offering a pure spiritual worship, the 
' form of receiving the applicants into communion would have 

* been a mere mockery, and provocative to persecution, unless 

* it had been possible to supply them with pastors ; this they 
' requested, but this, of course, the Bishop had not, AT PRESENT, 

* the means of granting.' Jewish Intelligence, July, 1845, p. 261. 

This authoritative reply is valuable and instructive, since it 
proves that the question of proselytizing from the Oriental 



272 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bislioprirlc. 

Churches is not one of principle, as we were assured by the 
Statement of Proceedings, but only one of time, and local con- 
veniences and accidents. How this quiet anticipation of ' sup- 
plying with pastors' these Greek schismatical postulants, though 
not ' at present,' can be reconciled with the Primate's hearty 
profession and command to use ' special care not to disturb, or 
divide, or interfere with, the orthodox Greek Church,' we leave 
to Mr. Veitch and the London Society to settle. We think 
this fact deserves great attention. 

As to other results : ' The Mission amongst the Jews has pros- 

* pered. Thirty-seven members of the house of Israel have in 

* the short period of his [the Bishop's] sojourn [at Jerusalem] been 

* admitted into the English Church.' (Christian's Monthly Maga- 
zine. Considering that this short period was then four years, 
and remembering the number of converters employed, and the 
fact that instant support is given to the converts, as well as the 
miserable poverty of the 6,000 Jews at Jerusalem, we have no 
desire to question whatever value may be set upon such pros- 
perity as this. So what it is we leave it with perfect content. 

3. About the * College to be established at Jerusalem under 
the Bishop, whose chaplain is to be its Principal,' we have little 
to tell. In 1842-3 it consisted of two Polish Jews, who were 
baptized in the preceding year, and two young men, one 
of whom had come to Jerusalem in the spring of 1842 as 
travelling servant to an English gentleman, and was afterwards 
dragoman to the physician of the Mission, a Dr. Macgowan; 
the other was a young man who went out to Jerusalem as clerk 
to the architect. 

Notice has already been taken of the strange, and in various 
ways unqualified, persons admitted by Bishop Alexander to 
Holy Orders. We can mention two very flagrant cases. On 
October 30, 1842, a Mr. Tartakover, one of the London Society's 
Missionaries, and a Mr. Whitmarsh, naval instructor on board 
Her Majesty's Ship Vernon, were admitted to Deacon's orders 
at Jerusalem. Their general ignorance, and the special in- 
capacity of the former, were pointed out to the Bishop, who 
replied that 'the deficient answers would only make it more 
4 necessary for the candidates to occupy themselves with study 

* before they applied for Priest's orders ; which would not be 

* granted until they had passed a year in the diaconate.' After 
Mr. Tartakover's ordination he was attacked with ophthalmia, and 
reduced to nearly total blindness by its severity, until, incapaci- 
tated for study, he was removed to Konigsburg in June, 1843; 
having been ordained Priest on June 10, on the Sunday previous 
to his departure. Mr. Tartakover had been for some time under 
instruction in the ' Hebrew College ' at Bethnal Green, and 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 273 

was spoken of as the most hopeful student in that institution. 
This gentleman is now stationed at Dantzig. A Mr. Sternschuss, 
a young German, has also received Holy Orders. He was cook 
and common servant to one of the Missionaries at Jerusalem ; for 
some time he represented the English Church at Safea, a sacred 
city of the Jews. He is now in the same capacity at Bagdad. 

4. Of the remaining objects contemplated by the Archbishop in 
the Statement of Proceedings, viz. of the reception of ' clerical 
members of the orthodox Greek Church into the College with 
the express consent of their spiritual superiors ;' and of the 

* congregations consisting of Protestants of the German tongue 

* residing within the limits of the Bishop's jurisdiction, and willing 
' to submit to it under the care of German clergymen, who will 

* officiate in the German language, according to the forms of their 
' national liturgy, compiled from the ancient liturgies, agreeing in 

* all points of doctrine with the liturgy of the English Church, and 

* sanctioned by the Bishop, with consent of the Metropolitan, for 
' the special use of those congregations ; such liturgy to be read 

* in the German language only ;' and of * the Germans who are 
to be ordained according to the English ritual, and to sign the 
Articles of that Church,' as well as 'the confession of Augs- 
burg ;' and of the ' confirmation of catechumens of the German 
congregation,' we have not heard a single word. We presume 
that both the orthodox Greek Church and the German congre- 
gations have seen enough of the Anglican Episcopate to refuse 
the more than questionable benefits of the Bishop's College and 
proffered jurisdiction. 

It only remains to add, that the letters-commendatory to the 
Oriental Bishops contain a noticeable discrepancy. In the 
English version the Anglican Bishop's jurisdiction is described 
as being 'over the Clergy and Congregations of our Church, 
which are now, or which hereafter may be, established in the 
countries above mentioned.' In the Greek form it stands, tVl 
TTCKTI roTf Tt)c Tj/utTf/oaf; 'EtdcArjCTtac K\rjpiKOig KOI AaV/coTc TOIQ 

i fjitToiKovai KOI ev raic ofiopoig \wpaiQ. Why the italicized 
clause has been omitted in the Greek form we do not conjecture. 
The fact may have its importance, though we do not at present 
see what. We therefore record it. 1 

Perhaps, however, after all the most direct and striking evi- 
dence of the dangerous character of the theological bias and 
Judaizing tone of which the whole work of the Mission is but 

1 There are some very painful and distressing matters about the mode by which 
the purchase of land has been managed by the representatives of the London Society 
in Palestine, for which we have not space. The passage-money by the Devastation 
paid twice over, the barometer which cost 44, the 200 for the carriage of 
Dr. Macgowan's library, are matters which have caused no little comment. 

NO. LIII. N. S. T 



274 Judaism and t7te Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

the practical expression, is to be found in the recently published 
volume of " Sermons, preached at Jerusalem in 1842 and 1843, 
' by the Rev. George Williams, sometime Chaplain to the late 
' Bishop of the Anglican Church in Jerusalem. (J.W.Parker.)' 
Mr. Williams, as some of our readers may know, was appointed 
Chaplain to Bishop Alexander by the Archbishop, with the 
express undertaking and understanding that he was not to be 
considered an agent or official of the London Society ; and 
that his stipend, though supplied by the Society, was to be 
paid through the Bishop : an obvious arrangement to secure the 
dignity of all parties. It soon came to the ears of l the Com- 
mittee' at home, that Mr. Williams was too high-minded to 
sanction the somewhat shabby details of the Mission, and too 
thoroughly imbued with the doctrine of the Church of England 
to fall in with the wild views on prophecy relating to the actual, 
as distinguished from the spiritual, Israel, as well as the dan- 
gerous tenets which separated the * Hebrew' from the * Gentile' 
Christians. It was found necessary to get rid of Mr. Williams: 
so the London Committee took the most effectual way of 
cashiering an inconvenience by stopping his salary, unless 
received directly through the Society. To this direct breach of 
compact, as well as compromise of principle, Mr. Williams 
would not submit. His connexion with the Mission ceased; 
but what its working was, may be judged by the following 
important extract from the preface to his Sermons : 

* On one subject, however, of more than ordinary import - 
' ance, I would desire to say a few words, in order to avoid all 

* ambiguity, and to discharge, it may be, an imperative duty. 

* I will candidly avow that I was very anxious, as opportunity 

* was afforded me, to counteract, as far as possible, the effects 
' of a certain tone of teaching which obtained at Jerusalem, 

* during my connexion with the Mission, and which appeared 

* to me both erroneous and exceedingly objectionable, as tend- 
' ing to the subversion of Christian liberty, and to the corrup- 

* tion of the purity and simplicity of the Gospel. 

* I allude to that view which would substitute the exploded 

* literal, for the received spiritual, interpretation of the pro- 
' phecies relating to the privileges and glories of the Israel of 
' God : on which is based a system that Avould in effect build up 
' again " the middle wall of partition" between Jew and Gentile, 
' and obscure the cardinal truth, that " Christ is the end of the 

* law for righteousness to every one that believeth," " that the 

* righteousness of the law might be fulfilled in us, who walk not 

* after the flesh, but after the Spirit." 

' Persuaded as I was of the dangerous tendency of such views 
' (which sometimes go the length of looking for the restoration 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 275 

* of the bloody sacrifices of the Law, and the re-establishment 
' of the Levitical Ritual), my office required me to guard 
' against it ; delicate and difficult as the duty was in my pecu- 
' liar position. 

' I hoped to avoid giving unnecessary pain, by handling the 
' subject practically, rather than controversially, so as to exhibit 
' the opposite truth, not antagonistically, but for the edification 
' and consolation of my hearers. This was attempted in some 

* Sermons directly, incidentally in others ; with what success it 

* is not for me to judge.' Preface, pp. viii. ix. 

Such is the Anglican Bishoprick at Jerusalem ; such its pro- 
jectors ; such the principles first assuming form and recognised 
action in its establishment ; such the positive results of the ex- 
periment. That it is a decided and complete failure even its 
best friends must own ; that it has done more to impair the 
confidence in the English Church system of those whom we 
can least spare, they who have the best means of knowing 
assure us. That it must for a time be persisted in, the terms of 
the unhappy concordat with the King of Prussia lead us still to 
fear ; but that it will be ultimately abandoned there can be no 
doubt. It requires sanguine assurance, amounting almost to the 
stiff, rigid consistency of despair, to plant full-grown trees in 
the height of summer. They may look green and showy for a 
time, but they will never make a plantation. They wither in 
the very act of display; the seeds, the certainty of death 
accompany the attempt to succeed ; and what is commenced in 
ostentation, generally ends in contempt. Repetition only makes 
it ludicrous. It would have seemed impossible to make a worse 
selection than that of Bishop Alexander, until M. Gobat 
received the late nomination from the King of Prussia, 

On this matter it may be sufficient to say, that M. Gobat 
published, some years ago, a journal, or diary, of his Missionary 
labours in Abyssinia, in which, upon his own showing, he com- 
mitted himself to most dangerous, if not positively heretical, 
statements on such sacred doctrines as those of the two Natures 
in our Lord, the eternal generation of the Son, the necessity of 
Creeds, and the nature of Holy Baptism. M. Gobat not yet 
being in Priest's orders, strong representations have been made, 
both to the Primate and to the Bishop of London, on the danger 
of admitting him to a higher rank in the ministry, especially 
in a station where his opportunities of compromising the cha- 
racter and orthodoxy of the Church of England are so many, and 
so various. Distinct assurances were received from the Primate, 
to whom the Act of Parliament gives an unconditional veto upon 
each Prussian nomination and from the Bishop of London, that 
due examination of the candidate, with especial reference to the 

T2 



276 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

dangerous sentiments complained of, would be instituted. The 
result is contained in a document (No. III.) subjoined in the Ap- 
pendix to this article. It is so far satisfactory, that it may serve to 
show his Prussian Majesty and M. Bunsen that the object of 
their selection Avas one for whom has been reserved the discredit- 
able precedent of being the only candidate for the Episcopate in 
the English Church, as far as its annals go, with respect to whom 
his consecrators were obliged, as in the case of one generally 
and notoriously suspected of heresy, to institute an especial 
examination, and to insist upon a recantation. M. Gobat mounts 
his throne under the imputation of having published most dan- 
gerous doctrine, and of having been called upon to disavow and 
renounce it. The value of this fact is, were it possible, only to 
add one more shadow to the thick cloud with which, unhappily, 
the whole scheme has been from the first enveloped, and which 
time but renders more ominous and distressing. 

The Bishop of Exeter has delivered a very solemn and dig- 
nified protest and appeal against any fresh appointment. Such 
is not the least of the many services which the Church owes to 
that firm-hearted Prelate. It cannot but tell. It is an act, 
we believe, without precedent ; because the circumstances which 
called for it are also without precedent. It is subjoined to the 
present article (Appendix, No. II.): and whatever its immediate 
consequences, the very fact of such an appeal is of immense 
value. Mr. James Hope, in his unanswered pamphlet, has 
proved that, whatever the establishment of the Jerusalem 
Bishoprick is, it is not of the Church of England : it compromises 
us, as a Church, according to no canonical principle. It remains 
a single and isolated act, without authority. It proves nothing : 
for it is nothing ; except an individual act upon the part of the 
consecrating Bishops. It is of no more theoretical importance 
than one of their lordship's charges : valuable and important, as 
a fact, involving individuals, but no more. The Church, in its 
synodical character, was not consulted : nay, everything has been 
done, which dutiful respect would admit, to disavow it. We do 
disavow it ; we reclaim against it ; we protest against it ; we 
ignore it; we rejoice that the finger of God is visibly displayed 
against it ; we repeat the prayer that it may come to nought, and 
Tbe as though it had never been ! And, according to our firm con- 
victions of duty, we hold it to be the bounden obligation of all 
members of the Church to hold no offices of communion or fel- 
lowship with the Bishop at Jerusalem or his Presbyters: and 
here our responsibility is at an end. The Church has, by its 
Bishops and Presbyters, renounced the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 
We add but a single word, by way of suggesting the right view 
of the whole matter, which seems this : 



Judaism and the Jerusalem BishopricJc. 277 

Here is a scheme with much antecedently in its favour; 
a generous and even religious sentiment which it embodied 
crowned heads consenting ministers of state providing men of 
letters planning the most active of our Prelates fostering 
popularity and zeal all on its side. And yet, with all this, never 
was failure so total and complete never was there any plan of 
which its promoters are so heartily ashamed never was an 
experiment launched with better hopes and never were hopes 
so signally, so unquestionably disappointed. What then is the 
lesson? That the Church of England has, by God's great 
mercy, that strong, vigorous principle of life within her, which 
enables her to cast off, and slough away, as by a spring and 
throb of quick healthy vitality, any excrescence, any anomaly, 
any accidental vice and temporary derangement, externally 
forced into, not growing out of, her system, like the Jerusalem 
Bishoprick. 



APPENDIX. No. I. 

* The instruction, after a preface briefly treating on the points 

* mentioned above namely, the protection of all the subjects of 

* both parties in the Turkish empire, without any distinction of 

* creeds proceeds in the following words : 

' THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS TO THE AMBASSADOR. 

' Should the Government of Great Britain appear disposed, 
upon certain conditions, to enter with the King's Majesty into 
an engagement, from which the attainment of these objects 
may be rationally expected, his Majesty then entrusts his Ex- 
traordinary Envoy in this special mission with the following 
commission: 

* The Envoy shall, in such form as is approved by the English 
ministry, and is strictly confidential, by means of a conference 
with the Archbishop of Canterbury, as Primate of England, 
and the Bishop of London, as immediate head of the several 
congregations of the English Church in foreign parts, endea- 
vour to ascertain 

' In how far the English National Church, already in 
' possession of a parsonage on the Mount Zion, and having 
* commenced there the building of a church, would be in- 
' clined to accord to the Evangelical National Church of 
' Prussia a sisterly position in the Holy Land. 



278 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick, 

' Inasmuch as an accord of this kind concerns the most deli- 

* cate points of the national life of both peoples, and the subject 
' itself is of such exceedingly high and holy interest, his Majesty 

* considers it necessary, for the avoidance of all misunderstand- 

* ings, to speak out plainly and openly the convictions by which 
' he is guided. 

' His Majesty, in the first place, proceeds on the conviction 
' that Evangelical Christendom has in the East, and particularly 
' in the Holy Land, no hope of full and lasting recognition ; nor 

* of blessed and continued fruit and extension, unless it presents 

* itself in those countries as much as possible as one united body. 

* In the first place, both Government and people in those 

* countries have been accustomed to see those who acknowledge 

* each other as co-religionists, appear, and act together, in their 
' spiritual affairs, as one body, with a common discipline and 
' order. Thus Judaism presents itself. Thus, also, the corpo- 

* rations of the Latins, Greeks, and Armenians. If, therefore, 
' Protestant Christendom were to present itself by the side of 

* these, and demand recognition as an English Episcopal, a 
' Scotch Presbyterian, an Evangelical-United, a Lutheran, a 

* Reformed, a Baptist, or Independent community, and such like, 
' the Turkish Government would certainly hesitate to grant 
' such recognition, inasmuch as this act implies, for the heads of 
' such recognised corporations, the highest political privileges. 

* Thus, in the preceding month, the bishops of the various 
' Christian communities of Syria, in Damascus, were summoned 
' together, with the mufti and the cadi, to deliberate upon the 

* future administration of government in the land ; and to each 
' it was granted to name five deputies, of his own confession, for 

* the Supreme Administrative Council of Syria. Before the 

* Porte can resolve to grant, even provisionally, such a position 

* and such power to the different Evangelical congregations, it 
' will first inquire after the number and condition of her subjects, 
' who are members of each of the new corporations, and after 
' the guarantees which a community of the kind can offer for its 
' continuance : for it is of natives, subjects of the Sultan, that 
' those privileged corporations have been, and are still, composed. 
' But, at present, all Evangelical communities together can point 

* only to a few individual natives who have joined them. It is 

* true, that of late years, in Armenia and Beyrout, several and 

* some natives of consideration have expressed themselves in- 
' clined to come over to Evangelical Christianity, or to have 

* their children educated in it ; but have been prevented, chiefly, 

* by the impossibility which the missionaries experience of granting 

* to such persons protection and safety. And yet it is as certain 
' that equality with the ancient corporations must be demanded, 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Biskoprick. 270 

* without the power of exhibiting a sufficient number of persons 

* of whom the new corporations are to be composed. But as to 

* the guarantees, which they have a right to demand, what 
' Government could and would grant them for such a crowd of 
' communities ? And, in this unwillingness, the Porte would, 

* beyond all doubt, be confirmed by the solicitations of the 

* already existing religious corporations. But, even looking away 
' from this, to what disadvantage would Evangelical Christen- 

* dom, in such a state of division, appear beside the ancient 

* Churches ? Whatever these latter may want in internal life, 

* they form a compact body, holden together by Church discipline, 
' liturgy, and the apostolic-episcopal respect of their See, and 
' operate, by the power of Church-unity, still more than by the 
' advantage of immemorial possession. 

* Such are the political reasons which have brought his 
' Majesty to the conviction that, in this business, unity, in the 

* first onset, must be the first, the indispensable condition of 
' success for the Evangelical Church. 

' But the conviction of his Majesty that, on the present occa- 

* sion, the Evangelic Church must come forward as one in faith, 

* rests, essentially, upon still higher considerations. The shape 
' which Turkish affairs have at present assumed most certainly 

* not without the overruling Providence of God, and especially 
( the political position of England and Prussia, in reference 

* thereto have, for the first time, afforded Evangelical Chris- 

* tendom the possibility of demanding, as equal child of the 

* universal Church of Christ, a position in the cradle of Christi- 

* anity and in the Holy Land, by the side of the primitive 

* Churches of the East, and in the presence of the Roman 

* Church, which would secure for the Gospel a free proclamation, 

* and for the professors of evangelical truth, free confession, and 
' equal protection. The present moment is an era in the history 
' of the world ; and, accordingly, as it is recognised and im- 

* proved, the Evangelical Church will be judged by history and 

* by the Almighty. His Majesty entertains not a doubt, that 

* the Evangelical Church owes it to herself, and to her Lord, at 

* such a moment, and on such a theatre, not to present the 

* stumbling-block of her disunion and dividedness ; but, on the 
' contrary, the good example of her unity in faith and her union 
' in action. Her object in appearing there, beside the elder 
' Church communities, and in the presence of Jews and Mahonie- 

* tans, cannot be to persecute, to invade, to exclude not to strive, 
' to scatter, to dissolve ; her wish cannot be to proclaim to the 
' world her mission as a work of hatred and jealousy, but as a 

* message of love, of peace, and of concord. How, then, can it 
' be the will of her Lord that she should, for such a purpose, 



280 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

( with such words in her mouth, on this her first appearance in 
' the Holy Land, unfold the banner of internal separation and 
' discord ? Are not her missions already, besides being the pulse 

* of her common life, so, also a witness of the difficulty, in such 
' a state of isolation and separation, of founding churches 
' properly so called, and of forming and conserving Christian 
' nations ? And where would this internal disease be revealed 

* more sadly than in that land, where all Christian opposites are 

* crowded together in the face of the three Patriarchates, and 

* the colony of Rabbies in sight of the Mosque of Omar, and 
' the foundations of the Temple of Jerusalem ? Is it not much 

* rather in the purpose of God, that in their missions the feeling 
' of the internal unity and concord of all the members of Evan- 
' gelical Christendom should be kindled ? May not, especially 
' at the present moment, the favourite thought of the Church's 

* Lord be this: that in the old land of promise, on the place of 

* his earthly course, not only Israel should be led to the know- 

* ledge of salvation, but also the individual Evangelical Churches, 

* built upon the everlasting foundation of the Gospel, and upon 
' the rock of faith in the Son of the living God forgetting their 

* divisions, remembering their unity should offer to each other, 

* over the cradle and the grave of the Redeemer, the hand of 

* peace and concord ? 

' His Majesty, for his part, will not hesitate, on this occasion, 
' in full confidence, to hold out his hand to the Episcopal Church 

* of England, which combines, with evangelical principles, an 
' historic constitution, and a church existence, significant of 

* universality, 

' His Majesty, in accordance with Apostolic Catholicity, and 
' in expectation of similar dispositions on the part of the English 

* Church, entertains no fear in expressing his readiness to allow 

* the clergy and missionaries of his National Church, in all 
' mission lands, where a bishoprick of this Church exists, to unite 

* themselves with it ; and, for this purpose, to obtain for them- 
' selves episcopal ordination, which the English Church requires 
1 for admission to an office. His Majesty will take care that 

* such ordination shall always be acknowledged and respected in 

* his dominions. 

* In the Holy Land, in particular, his Majesty is determined 

* to do everything, which can on Christian principles be required, 
' in order that united labours may be possible. The English 

* Church is there in possession of an ecclesiastical foundation on 
' Mount Zion, and his Majesty considers it to be the duty of all 

* evangelical princes and communities to join this foundation, as 

* the beginning and central point of conjoined operations ; for 
' his Majesty regards this as a ground of great hope for the 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bis/ioprick. 28 1. 

* futurity of evangelical Christendom. In the first place, their 
' missions acquire thereby, throughout the extent of the Avhole 
' Turkish empire, and in the primitive habitations of Chris- 

* tianity, a visible centre, and a living lever, whose power, once 
' set in motion, will soon make itself felt even to Abyssinia and 

* Armenia. But, besides this, another object of the utmost, im- 
' portance, and most earnestly to be desired, will also be attained. 
' In the simplest manner possible, a Christian neutral-ground 

* will be acquired, far removed beyond the bounds of narrowing 

* nationality ; and upon which, with God's blessing, by the con- 
' joined operations of believing love, a gradual union of evan- 

* gelical Christians may be prepared with greater facility than 
' under any other circumstances. 

' Of course it cannot be his Majesty's intention, by such an 

* union, to sacrifice or endanger the independent existence of the 

* National Church of his country. According to his Majesty's 
' view, an evangelic, true, and living representation of Catho- 

* licity, is that only which supposes this unity to be upholden by 
' the divinely ordained multiplicity of tongues and peoples, and 

* in accordance with the individuality and historic development 

* of each several nation and country. Every National Church 
'has, without doubt, like the people belonging to it, its own 

* peculiar vocation in the great order and unfolding of the King- 

* dom of God. Yea, every narrower, smaller Christian commu- 

* nity in a Christian land, has undoubtedly, in like manner, the 
' vocation and the duty to seek within the circle of the universal 

* Church a peculiar sphere for the extension of love, and for 
' which a particular opportunity and a particular blessing are 
' given to her. 

* But, especially, his Majesty, as German Prince, and King 

* of his country, is penetrated with the liveliest persuasion, that 
' the evangelical Christendom of the German people is called to 

* occupy an independent position in every representation of such 

* evangelic-apostolic catholicity, as long as the word of God is 
' proclaimed in German speech, and His praise sung in the 

* German tongue. His Majesty lives in the hope, especially, 

* that in the present century the position of the evangelical 
' Christendom of Germany, as soon as it becomes conscious of its 

* vocation, will hold a position proportionate to the general in- 

* tellectual and political position of that people, from whom three 
f hundred years ago the blessed work of the Reformation of the 

* Church proceeded. 

* In accordance with these convictions the above-mentioned 

* confidential conference must be governed by two leading prin- 

* ciples. The one, the utmost possible unity of operation and 
' labour in the Turkish empire, and especially in the Holy Land: 



282 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

' the other, regard to the independent existence of the Evan- 

* gelical German Church, and to the individuality of the German 

* people. 

' THAT THE ENGLISH CHURCH ERECT A BISHOPRIC OF ITS 

* OWN at Jerusalem, the King's Majesty regards as first condition 

* and beginning of combined operations. The foundation ap- 

* pears already laid, as it were, by a special Providence. The 

* first-fruits of the mission in Jerusalem warrant the fairest 

* hopes. Its suspension and present melancholy condition 1 seem 

* to render an episcopal arrangement in that place advisable and 
' of urgent necessity. Nothing but episcopal superintendence 
' and decision on the spot can be of any use: the subjection of 
' the mission to a see at Malta would not appear to his Majesty 
' either a satisfactory or a truly apostolic arrangement. 

' The Bishopric to be erected at Jerusalem would, there- 
' fore, connect itself with the foundation and buildings already 
' begun on the Mount Zion, and comprehend all evangelical 

* Christians willing to take part in it. The high-minded senti- 
' ments, expressed very lately at a meeting of the friends of the 
( Church of England, at which the venerable Archbishop of Can- 

* terbury presided, appear to his Majesty a certain pledge, that 

* the idea so truly Christian, and for the present times so neces- 

* sary, of founding firm churches in mission countries, will in 

* this matter, also, be realized in a manner worthy of the object. 

* His Majesty is willing and disposed, when a bishoprick of this 
' kind is founded, to allow one or more clergy and missionaries 
' of his subjects, for the sake of the Jewish converts who speak 

* German, and for the benefit of the evangelical Christians of the 

* German language, to join this episcopal arrangement. As a 
' manifestation of his sentiments, his Majesty will readily allow 
' such persons to obtain ordination from the English Church. 

* His Majesty specially desires to see this take place in Jeru'- 
' salem itself. 

' With respect to the position of the Privy Counsellor of 

* Legation, his Majesty herewith empowers him, under the 

* before-mentioned conditions, to confer confidentially with the 
' heads of the English Church. 

' With these instructions, the King's Envoy left Sans Souci 
on the 8th of June, 1841.' 



1 [This alludes to the time when the Mission (except the Rev. J. Nicolayson) 
at Jerusalem, in consequence of the war, was broken up.] 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick, 
APPENDIX. No. II. 

' PROTEST OF THE BISHOP OF EXETER AGAINST THE CONSECRA- 
TION OF A NEW BISHOP OF THE ENGLISH COMMUNION AT 
< JERUSALEM. 

' To His Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury. 

* My Lord Archbishop, Your Grace will need no assurances 
' of the extreme reluctance with which, most respectfully, but 

* most undoubtingly (for, if I doubted, I should say nothing), as 

* a Bishop of the province of Canterbury, I hereby notify my 

* dissent to the consecration of a successor to Bishop Alexander 
' as a Bishop of the English Church at Jerusalem if that con- 

* secration is indeed to proceed on the principles announced 
' either in the " Statement by Authority," of 9th December, 
' 1841, or in your Grace's "Letter to His Majesty the King of 

* Prussia," dated 18th June, 1842, and published in the "Prus- 

* sian State Gazette" of 12th July of the same year. 

* In taking this painful step, it is some consolation to me, that 

* I am doing that which can cause to your Grace no surprise. 

* So long ago as March 1842, in a brief personal communication 

* which I had the honour of holding with you on this subject, 

* and in my subsequent letter of the 13th of that month, I frankly 
' stated the necessity, under which I felt myself placed, of ob- 
jecting to the license given to Bishop Alexander to disregard 
' some of the most important canons of the Church in which he 

* was a Bishop canons made for the express purpose of " secur- 

* ing uniformity of public worship," and " for the establishment 
' of consent touching true religion." I ventured to represent, 

* that nothing short of a synodical decree of. the Church itself 
' could sanction so wide a departure from its essential discipline. 

'Your Grace, on the 30th of that month, was pleased to 
' answer this my representation, by informing me that you 
' " feared that, if we waited for the determination of a synod 

* lawfully assembled, the opportunity of making some effort 
' towards the restoration of unity in the Catholic Church would 

* be lost" and, as you agreed in the opinion expressed by other 
' Bishops, as well as by myself, that " it was not expedient to 

* bring forwards in Parliament any measures connected with the 
' subject, you must endeavour to arrange matters in some other 
'way." 

' Having received this intimation of your Grace's intention, 
' and anxiously awaiting the proceedings by which it would be 
' fulfilled, I was, in the mean time, glad to feel myself excused 
' from the painful duty of making any public declaration of my 
' sentiments, in opposition to a measure, which, though already 
' executed in the instance of Bishop Alexander, might yet admit 
' of being recalled, or neutralized, or satisfactorily modified, in 
' his case ; which might, too, have no practical result for we 



284 Judaism and the Jerusalem BisJwprick. 

( heard of no occasions calling for the exercise of powers so 
' questionably conferred ; and which, therefore, seemed most 

* unlikely to be repeated, if, as in the course of God's Providence 
' has actually happened, Bishop Alexander should be withdrawn 

* before any effectual method of removing difficulties and satis- 
' fying well-grounded objections had been provided. 

'With these feelings even to this the last moment, and till 
' the very eve of the consecration, as is universally reported 

* and believed, of a second Bishop of the Church of England and 
' Ireland at Jerusalem I have waited silently in hope that some 
'measure would be taken, which might meet the objections, 
' most distressing to me to entertain, against an act bearing on 
f it the high and venerable sanction of your Grace's name. 

' But, in the actual state of the matter, I have no alternative. 
' I am bound by that duty, which your Grace would be the last 
' to wish me to disregard, with all humility and deference, to 
' remonstrate against a proceeding, which I am unable to reconcile 
' with the fundamental laws on which the discipline of our 
' Church is built, for the reasons which follow : 

' I. Because, while I fully recognise the duty of our Church 
' to endeavour, by way of mission, to aid in the conversion of the 
' Jews to the Christian faith, and while I dispute not the wisdom 
' of conducting such a mission by a Bishop, especially conse- 

* crated for that service, or of fixing his residence at Jerusalem, 
' with the consent of the Bishop of whose diocese it is part, I 

* yet cannot perceive the lawfulness of consecrating him to be a 
' Bishop in the Church of England and Ireland, and in the pro- 

* vince of Canterbury, without his coming under all the obliga- 
' tions of our own Episcopate, so that lie be himself subjected to 
' all of our Canons which are capable of being observed by him, 

* and, at the same time, bound to enforce the observance of them 
' upon all within his jurisdiction. 

' II. Because the Archbishop of Canterbury, or the Arch- 

* bishop of York, being empowered to consecrate a subject of any 

* foreign kingdom, or state, to be a Bishop in a foreign country, 
' without requiring him to take the oaths of allegiance and 
' supremacy, or the oath of obedience to the Archbishop, 

* required to be taken by every one who is consecrated to be a 
' Bishop in the Church of England, a subject of a foreign state 
' might be consecrated in order to his being a Bishop at Jeru- 

* salem, for the purpose of his conducting such a mission, without 
' its being declared or implied that he was to be a Bishop of the 
' English Church ; and so there is no necessity, for the purposes 
' of the mission, that any of those Canons should be disobeyed. 
' To the anomaly, indeed, and, it may be, the unfitness, of such 
' a proceeding, I cannot be insensible, nor would I be understood 
' to recommend it ; but it would at least be free from the fearful 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick, 285 

.* evil of consigning our discipline to manifest and direct infrac- 
' tion at the hands of the Bishop himself. 

' III. Because the " hope" expressed in the " Statement by 
' Authority" of 9th Dec. 1841, "that, under the Divine Blessing, 
' the establishment at Jerusalem of a Bishop of the Church of 

* England and Ireland may lead to an essential unity of disci- 
' pline, as well as of doctrine, between our own Church and 
' what are there called " the less perfectly constituted of the 

* Protestant Churches of Europe," does not justify the seeking 
' of that object, however desirable it may be, by any unlawful 
' means, such as abandoning, without due authority, the 
' requirements of our own Canons. This expedient seems, on 
' the contrary, more likely to lower and corrupt our own Church, 
' than to elevate and purify the defective position of others 
' nay, in the present instance, to bring into question the Catholic 

* character of our Church, by exhibiting it at Jerusalem in union 
/ with Christian bodies, whose Catholicity has been specially 

* denied by the Greek Church ; and thus, instead of being " the 

* means of establishing relations of amity between our own 
' Church and the ancient Churches of the East," it can hardly 
' fail to render that desired result more hopeless than before. 

' IV. Because particular acts, to be done by the Bishop at 

* Jerusalem, as specified in the same " Statement," are in direct 
' violation of the canons of our Church. He is to require, or to 
( permit, " German clergymen ordained by him, and residing 

* within his jurisdiction, to officiate there in congregations " of 

* German Protestants " according to the forms of their national 
' Liturgy, compiled from the ancient Liturgies, agreeing," it is 
' said, " in all points of doctrine with the Liturgy of the English 
' Church," a Liturgy, however, which, if credit may be given 
.' to others who have publicly reported of it, 1 cannot but be 
' deemed grievously defective in more than one momentous par- 
' ticular. Especially, it is said, to banish the term " Catholic " 

* from the description of " the Church " in the Apostles' Creed, 
' and from the designation of " The Faith " in the Athanasian. 

* Again, in the highest act of Christian Worship, or rather in 

* the exercise of the highest Christian privilege, the celebration 

* of the Lord's Supper that German Liturgy seems to exclude 
' the consecration of the elements by Christ's minister, doing, 

* after Christ's ordinance, as Christ himself did and instead 
' thereof, invites the people to " hear attentively the words of 

* the institution." 

' It delivers those elements, not that we, receiving them, may 

* be partakers of our Saviour Jesus Christ's most blessed body 

* and blood not that that body, and that blood, may preserve 

1 [For a full account of this Liturgy we refer to the Christian Remembrancer, 
No. XLYII, for January, 1845.] 



286 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

* our body and soul unto everlasting life but as a mere memo- 
' rial, or little more than a memorial, of our Lord's death, and 
' as a means of strengthening our faith ; and it adopts a formula 
' of delivery still more jejune than that which, rejected by our 

* own Church as insufficient nearly three centuries ago, may not 
' now be reproduced, within its borders, by any less authority 
' than a decree of the Church itself. 

' V. Because, according to the " Statement published by 

* authority, 9th December, 1841," " Germans, intended for the 

* charge of the congregations above described," " while they are 
' to be ordained according to the Ritual of the English Church, 

* and to sign the Articles of that Church," nevertheless, " in 

* order that they may not be disqualified by the laws of Germany 

* to officiate to German congregations, are to exhibit to the 

* Bishop a certificate of their having subscribed the Confession of 
( Augsburg." 

* For highly as we all must honour this distinguished monu- 
' ment of the moderation and sobriety of those of the early 
' German Reformers who compiled it, we cannot recognise in it 

* that identity, or even entire consistency, of doctrines with those 

* of our own Church, without which subscription to both is 
' irreconcileable with sincere and honest subscription to either. 

' Such an expedient, pure and laudable as must have been the 
' motive which dictated it, can hardly fail to encourage that 

* vicious laxity in dealing with men's most solemn engagements 
' to the Church, and in interpreting the terms of its Articles, 

* not after their "true, usual, and literal meaning," but in some 
' " non-natural sense," which has been, of late, the abundant 

* source of afflictions and disgraces to our Church. 

' VI. Because, in the more recent document, the ' Letter to 

* His Majesty the King of Prussia,' while this two-fold subscrip- 
' tion to inconsistent tests of doctrine is avoided, a proceeding 

* has been substituted (in manifest violation of our canons) which 

* is open to objections scarcely less cogent. 

* " Young divines, candidates for the pastoral office in the 
' German Church," " as soon as the Bishop has satisfied himself 

* of the qualifications of the candidate for the especial duties of 
' his office, of the purity of his faith, and of his desire to receive 
( ordination from the hands of the Bishop," are to be ordained 

* by him, on subscribing the three Creeds the Apostles', the 
' Nicene, and the Athanasian. 

' Thus, our Church, in respect to these its ministers, will be 

* deprived of the one great security, which its law imperatively 
1 demands from all, " for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, 
( and for the establishing of consent touching true religion." And 
' this is done in the expressed " hope, that it may lead the way 

* to an essential unity of discipline, as well as of doctrine, 



Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 287 

' between our own Church and " (what is designated by the 
' Prussian Government as) " the United German National 
' Church of Evangelical Faith." 

* VII. And, lastly, because this " United German Church," 
' to which the Church of England and Ireland would be thus 

* made to unite itself, is a new, and, until these few years, an 

* unheard-of, denomination. Even now, its existence is unknown 

* to us in any ecclesiastical way, being announced merely in 

* Royal Edicts and State Gazettes. 

* It does not appear to be even a society much less a 
' " National Church," compacted of the various particular 
' Churches within the territory, or a specified integrant portion 
' of the territory of the same temporal government, acting 

* together as one under a Catholic and Apostolic Hierarchy 
' professing the one Catholic Faith, and subjected to an Apostolic 
' discipline. It seems, rather, to be a mere political comprehen- 

* sion of individuals and communities, having no bond of union, 

* except one common reclamation against Rome, and a general 

* adoption of the Christian name. 

* But even from this (so-called) Church from the people, at 
' least, and the ministers within it there have appeared no 
' public indications of a wish for union with us no sense of its 

* being " a less perfectly constituted Church " than our own 

* no feeling of defect to be supplied above all, no disposition to 

* purchase communion, or even cooperation with us, by recog- 
' nising any new authority, or submitting themselves to any new 
' discipline. Against such a result, essential as it is to the due 

* execution of the measure, the popular voice of Germany is said 
' to be loud and general. 

* For all these reasons, while I highly honour the Catholic 

* spirit, which, longing after a more intimate and more extended 

* union with other portions of Christendom, has prompted the 

* experiment, I deprecate the repetition of it ; and, accordingly, 
' I hereby notify my dissent to the Consecration of a successor 

* to Bishop Alexander, as Bishop of the Church of England and 
' Ireland, at Jerusalem. 

* Given under my hand this twenty-fifth day of May, one 

* thousand eight hundred and forty six. 

' HENRY, BISHOP OF EXETER.' 

APPENDIX. No. III. 

' In consequence of the apprehensions which appeared to be 
' entertained in many quarters, in regard to Mr. Gobat's doc- 

* trinal views, as indicated in his " Journal of a Three Years' 

* Residence in Abyssinia," published in 1834, it has been judged 

* proper that an opportunity should be given to Mr. Gobat of 
' expressing plainly his sentiments on the points in question. 



288 Judaism and the Jerusalem Bishoprick. 

f With this view, a paper has been drawn up, containing a 
' full statement of all the points which, on a careful examination 

* of the volume referred to, had appeared open to doubt, and has 

* been placed in his hands by the Lord Bishop of London. 

* Mr. Gobat has laid before his Lordship a statement, in which 

* he explains the peculiar circumstances that might be pleaded 
' in favour of an indulgent construction of expressions which he 
' had used in his Journal, and which, under circumstances other 

* than those in which he was placed, might be objectionable, and 

* declares explicitly his entire and cordial acceptance of the for- 

* mularies of the Church of England. 

' He states that, knowing how the Abyssinians had, for 
' several generations, been losing all their time in metaphysical 

* discussion, to the utter neglect of the practical parts of Scrip- 

* ture, he had resolved from the beginning to avoid, as much as 

* possible, entering into such discussions; although it was a 

* matter of no small self-denial to him, to impose upon himself 

* the necessity of abstaining even from the use of arguments, 
e which he would otherwise have employed, drawn by inference 
' from Scripture. He pleads a claim for some allowance in 
' regard to his manner of expression, considering that he was 

* using a language not his own, and which is in itself poor and 
' imperfect. He had, moreover, only short moments for writing, 
' and could not state at full length the various questions and 
' observations to which his remarks alluded, much less the ex- 
' planations which he frequently made of his own remarks. He 

* did not write for publication, although he supposed that the 

* Society by which he was employed might publish some ex- 
' tracts. He refers to his admission to Deacon's orders last year, 

* as an occasion on which he cheerfully signed the Articles; and 

* expressed, in the presence of the Bishop, his entire concordance 
' with the formularies of the Church of England. He declares 
' that he subscribes from his heart the Thirty-nine Articles, and 
' the three Creeds, according to their natural and grammatical 
'sense; and, in particular, that he fully subscribes to the lan- 
1 guage of the second Article, in regard to the doctrine con- 
' cerning our Blessed Lord, and to that of the twenty-seventh 
' Article, concerning Baptism. 

* The Lord Bishop of London had signified that he should not 
' think of admitting Mr. Gobat to priest's orders until both his 
' Lordship himself and the Archbishop of Canterbury were fully 
' satisfied on the points in question. The statement made by 

* Mr. Gobat has been laid by his Lordship before the Arch- 
' bishop, and is entirely satisfactory to his Grace as well as to 
' the Bishop of London. 

'June \lth t 1846.' 



289 



NOTICES. 

1 SUGGESTIONS offered to the Theological Student under present Difficulties. 
Five Discourses, preached before the University of Oxford. By A. C. 
Tait, D.C.L. Head Master of Rugby School.' (Murray.) Dr. Tait writes 
in the tone of a prophet, and prepares us for an approaching conflict 
between religion and infidelity. The prophecy is one which many serious 
minds are making now, and we are thankful to Dr. Tait for his additional 
note of warning. But does he not in some respects conjure up a world of 
his own around him, and create religious destinies too quickly ? Dr. Tait 
has cleared the ground before we are at all aware ; and he informs us that, 
the Church-school of theology having altogether evanesced and ceased to 
exist among us, he is anxious to fill up the vacuum occasioned by its dis- 
appearance, by ' some intelligible, enlightened, and well-grounded Protestant 
system,' which he intends to draw out. In the mean time, the danger is 
imminent. ' A transition state is one of great anxiety.' German Rational- 
ism is invading the ground which traditionary theology has quitted ; and 
we are exhorted to arm ourselves immediately against the foe. 

The weapon to be used in this emergency is exegetical criticism. ' If 
* infidelity is to be resisted, it can only be by our opposing the true criticism 
' to the false, and being able to bring as great an amount of philological 
1 and historical knowledge and deep research to aid the cause of Christ's 
4 truth, as are sure to be employed in the assaults by which it is menaced. ' 
Dr. Tait will pardon us if we state our opinion, that the struggle of religion 
and infidelity will not be settled by the quantity of ' philological and his- 
torical knowledge' which either side may bring to bear; and that we rather 
doubt the expediency of setting a whole generation of young men to work, 
examining the foundations, and analyzing the structure of Scripture, with 
the declared and conscious view that they are doing it in order to ascertain 
and exhibit its truth, supposed to be dubious. We think that such a plan 
as this is likely to make more infidels than it cures. It puts minds into an 
artificial and external position toward Scripture to begin with, and accus- 
toms them to the sense of doubt. That it is necessary for particular persons, 
at particular eras, to enter upon this field of inquiry we do not deny. But 
let the champion arise when he is wanted, and let him be the person whom 
Providence marks out. An individual may have his clear call to such a field 
of labour; and, if he has, it will be a natural field to him, and we may trust 
that his mind will be sustained and kept from harm. But the critic made 
by natural gift and calling, and a whole generation of Biblical philosophical 
critics made by a system, are two different things. May we be mercifully 
preserved from the latter. The Church should pray for deliverance from 
them, as sincerely as from any one of the Egyptian plagues ; from hail and 
murrain, lice and frogs. Still less do we agree with Dr. Tait in thinking it 
expedient that the working Clergy of the country, 'the direct teachers of 
Christ's word,' should prepare themselves for their parish duties and village 
sermons, by reading German books, and toiling through the foolish im- 
pieties of rationalists, and the answers to them. Dr. Tait may say, that 

NO. LIII. N. S. U 



290 Notices. 

1 practical and speculative divinity are indissolubly connected,' but it is to 
be hoped that such speculative inquiries as these need not form part of the 
practical teaching of our clergy, else we shall begin to tremble for the ortho- 
doxy of the population at large. 

Dr. Tait appears, in short, with the most honest militant intentions in the 
cause of truth, to be creating a foe and a combatant of his own. He comes 
straight from his German library, and his imagination creates a German 
scene around him. He sees the Anglican domain convulsed with a struggle 
between rationalists and exegetists ; and a new body of English Clergy rises 
before his mind, formed on the type of the Lutheran pastor, and German 
Biblical critic and speculator. 

Those who are acquainted with the tone of our youth in the Universities 
will be disposed, for example, to smile at one specimen in this volume of 
the author's easy transference of German propensities to the English mind. 
Dr. Tait thinks, that when young men read Niebuhr for lecture, they must 
instantly think of applying Niebuhr's principles to <he Scripture narra- 
tive : that they begin to doubt immediately about Abraham : that they must, 
therefore, forthwith swallow an antidote in the shape of some large volumes 
of Biblical criticism. Now is not Dr. Tail's Germanism arguing here, rather 
than his eye looking ? He thinks young men ought, as youthful philoso- 
phers, to do what he supposes them to do ; and therefore he makes them do 
so. He converts our Oxford and Cambridge undergraduates into German 
students. But they are not German students. They are not youthful 
philosophers in this sense : long may it be before they are. We believe 
they will let Niebuhr say very much what he likes about Rome, and that 
it will r.o more occur to them to trouble their heads about the history of 
Abraham in consequence, than to do any other odd and out of the way 
thing. Dr. Tait may even suggest the idea to them, as indeed he does iu 
this volume. He may take great pains to persuade them that they ought 
to admit critical doubts into their minds, in order that they may understand 
the critical answers to them. But he will, if we are not mistaken, see his hint 
fall upon incongenial material, and find his philosophical alarm and philo- 
sophical rescue equally unnecessary. 

' The Godly Sayings of the Ancient Fathers upon the Holy Sacrament 
of the Body and Blood of Christ. Edited by the Rev. C. J. Daniel, M.A., 
late Curate of South Hackney.' London: Rivingtons. 1846. 12mo. p. 153. 
We cannot comprehend why any person should have thought such a book 
as ' Veron's Godly Sayings' worth reprinting. It must be the very mania 
alone of seeing one's own name upon the title as ' Editor' which can account 
for it. Nobody now cares who Veron was, or what he wrote : and 
although Mr. Daniel assumes that ' the readers of this generation would 
anxiously inquire into the particulars of his history,' if they could but be 
found, we are quite sure that, by the republication of this trumpery old book, 
he will quite put a stop to any further curiosity about its author. To be sure 
it is in black letter; that is, the original edition ; and, as Mr. Daniel very accu- 
rately observes, it was written at ' Hackney;' but that scarcely is sufficient 
reason with any one but ex-curates of Hackney, to look upon it, unless it has 
intrinsic merits, as a 'precious gem.' Heartily do we wish, for the credit 



Notices. 291 

of the editor, that he had but left it still ' in its concealment,' and allowed 
the tongue which, having been dead some three hundred years, is, as we 
are not prepared to deny, ' silent in the grave,' still to remain so. 

We do not hesitate to call Veron's book a wicked and deliberate false- 
hood : at the end he assures his readers (we do not see why we should 
trouble ourselves with the old spelling), ' Here ye have the opinions and 
sayings of the old ancient fathers upon the Sacrament of the Body and 
Blood of Christ, compendiously set forth;' and a side-note tells us that 
they amount to this : ' We feed daily upon the body and blood of Christ 
spiritually in the reading and hearing of the Scripture.' Who does not 
recognise here the old and often-refuted heresy of the Elizabethan Puritans ? 
The catena of patristic authorities is but scanty; nor do those whom Veron 
has cited say what he would wish to make them. S. Augustine does not 
baldly say, speaking of the Eucharist, that ' the mysticall bread and drink 
is the fellowship of the faithful :' nor does he say, ' that the Sacrament is 
not the very body of Christ;' nor, that 'to believe in Christ is to eat his 
body and to drink his blood.' And so we might go through the whole. 
But take only, again, S. Chrysostom, Veron would have that father tell 
us, that ' superfluous cost in churches is discommended,' and that ' no man 
was ever blamed because he had not builded gorgeous churches.' Not that 
we can see how this has much to do with the doctrine of the blessed Eucha- 
rist : but it quite shows the spirit and object of this book. 

One thing is clear, and for this we thank Mr. Daniel, that in the compass 
of what might fairly be printed, (if long blank spaces and blank pages were 
omitted,) in a single sheet of common octavo, are collected all the 'sayings * 
of the old ancient fathers, who, whether they were speaking of the Holy 
Eucharist, or of anything else the most opposite, might, by some perverse 
twist, be made to look like the heresies of the Calvinists and Zuinglians. 
But let us ask Mr. Daniel, whether he has verified the quotations ? Thia 
is the first, the indispensible duty of an editor, in these days so much 
coveted. Has he done this? We plainly, unhesitatingly say, he has not ; 
and that the book is utterly worthless and contemptible in every respect : 
for this removes all claim which it might otherwise have had to some con- 
sideration and reply; and relieves us from the necessity, if we thought any 
of our readers required it, of vindicating the great fathers whose names (and 
no more) have been thus shamefully abused. 

And so we take our leave of John Veron. We should not have thought 
his book worth more than a single line, had it not been for its title. People 
are naturally anxious to know as much as they can what the old fathers 
really did teach ; and we should have been wanting in our duty if we had 
not put them somewhat on their guard in this instance. His editor, we 
grieve to say, has sadly committed himself. If ever we have again to notice 
him, we trust it will be upon some occasion more creditable to himself. In 
spite of his telling us that 'in 1559 the English Service Book first came 
into use,' we cannot but hope he is capable of something better. If, also, 
he would be pleased with the praise of having carefully reprinted the 
original edition, and accurately retained the old spelling, this we gladly 
give : whether any schoolboy might not have done as much is an obvious 
question. 

u 2 



292 Notices. 

'Glendearg Cottage. By Miss Christmas.' Who would suspect, under so in- 
nocent and picturesque a title, a series of disquisitions on the Thirty-nine 
Articles? We are reminded of those ingenious devices at old courtly banquets, 
where the fierce dwarf-knight, armed cap-a-pie, issued from beneath an inno- 
cent pie-crust. It is said that the cardinals, at a pontifical election, receive 
during their temporary incarceration and seclusion, from all mundane 
influences, at their second course at dinner, a number of beautiful sugared 
tarts, containing diplomatic intelligence, and notes from foreign powers. 
We are afraid the Thirty-nine Articles make about as good story-telling, 
as Prince Metternich's despatches make good eating. However, the 
authoress is bold, and introduces us into a delightful social circle, talking 
continuously about the Articles : one young gentleman especially devotes 
himself to the agreeable task of explaining them to a fair cousin. Some- 
body has told us that Love has many languages ; otherwise, we should 
not have thought that the language of our Formularies would have suited 
him. Such is the fact, however. Charles Newton becomes more and more 
agreeable, the Articles more and more lucid every day, till at last Catherine 
Howard is at once quite orthodox and engaged. Excepting those peculiar 
combinations, we have no fault to find with this well intended little book. 

' Dryburgh Abbey, and other Poems, by Rev. Thomas Agar Holland, M.A.' 
Dryburgh Abbey is young poetry republished. We recognise among the 
epigrams at the end, one or two that have already attained an oral circula- 
tion. We will quote an antigeological one, containing a subtle argument 
and asking certainly a hard question. 

* On the Preadamite system of geology. 
Some sages have assign'd an earlier birth 
To the prime strata of the concrete earth 
Than Heav'u-taught Moses dared ; yet have not stated 
How old was adult Adam when created.' 

' The Palace of Fantasy. By T. S. Hardy.' (Smith and Elder.) An 
easy and flowing imitation of the old romance style. But poetical imitations 
generally want the poetical substance and reality : there is something 
hollow in them. Even the best of them are apt to be mere reflections 
mirrors surfaces ; a sort of Barmecidal poetical food. 

' Laneton Parsonage' is no unworthy successor of 'Amy Herbert.' The 
same simple, unpretending style is the channel of the same quiet and gentle 
stream of Christian feeling. Though professedly illustrative of the Cate- 
chism, there is none of that formal division and carefully-marked applica- 
tion which so generally render books of this class wearisome and repelling. 
Indeed, it requires some ingenuity to trace the thread of the design 
throughout. The chief part of the volume consists in conversations ; but 
these are so well broken up and diversified, that they never, become tedious ; 
and there is sufficient interest in the story to give the whole a unity of 
effect. W T e read with pleasure the concluding hint on the probability of 
another volume. 

A small edition of the ' Book of Ecclesiasticus ' has been published in a 
separate form by Burns. Its object, so we learn from an Advertisement, ia 



Notices. 293 

' to bring more prominently into notice the striking lessons of heavenly wis- 
dom which this sacred book contains.' Of such an object we cannot but 
approve, as well as of other minor ends which we happen to know that the 
editor had in view in this little undertaking. Still our only doubt is whether 
it may not, though unintentionally, give an encouragement to such pro- 
ductions as the 'Beauties of the Bible,' which we had occasion recently to 
disapprove of: and which cannot be too strongly condemned as at least 
bordering on irreverence. 

There is no more difficult historical period for a tale than that of the 
first three centuries : and the mixture of heathenism and Christianity leads 
writers of various acquirements either to make their stories the mere 
vehicle of antiquarianism in the attempt to reproduce classical scenery and 
costume, or simply to clothe the manners of our own times with ancient 
names. The one is an affectation the other a slovenliness. We are by no 
means sure that either the writer of ' Valerius,' or of that very clever work, 
4 Rome under Paganism and the Popes,' has escaped the former mistake: 
specimens of the other fault abound. On the whole we think the author, 
or authoress, of the ' Captive Maiden' (Sharpe) has successfully avoided 
these dangers. The story is neither tedious nor unreal: and, aware of 
the great truth, that the Cross produces the same tone and temper in all 
ages, we are not wearied with exaggerations of feeling and incident which, 
because they are not of the nineteenth, some writers expect us to believe 
might have been of the third, century. The language is simple, yet, when 
needful, affecting : but, what we most approve, there are some very vigor- 
ous, perhaps the more vigorous because unassuming, touches of dramatic- 
drawing in this pretty little book. We think the sketch of Eudamia quite 
a character : it lives, and affects the readers in a very positive way. And 
her austere, and as it would seem to the world, unimpassioned and cold 
reserve, is quite true to the Gospel idea of Christian purity. The contrasts, 
too, are well balanced, without any exaggeration and violence of colouring. 
We recommend this tale highly. 

' A Harmony of Anglican Doctrine with the Doctrine of the Catholic and 
Apostolic Church of the East. Appendix to the volume entitled, " The 
Doctrine of the Russian Church. Recently published by the Rev. R. W. 
Blackmore, M. A., Chaplain to the Russia Company in Cronstadt." ' An ably 
drawn and interesting catena, from Anglican divines, on the chief doctrines 
of the Catholic Church. It comprises, in a compendious form, the substance 
of the catenae which have been published during the last few years ; besides 
Taluable additions. 

Mr. C. E. Kennaway has published a volume of poems. (Rivingtons.) 
They are very unequal : so unequal as to surprise us that one who could 
write the really fine lines on the ' Crucifix,' p. 12, should be guilty of such 
poor sentimentalism as ' My Father,' p. 80, or some equally lean semi-reli* 
gious substitutes for ' Oh no, we never mention her,' ' The Canadian Boat 
Song,' or ' Love in thine eyes.' Mr. Kennaway is only at present preluding; 
he seems to be trying all styles, from the sinew of George Herbert down to 
the fluttering gracefulness of Moore. But he has that within which, we think 



Notices. 

will make a poet, if he trusts himself, his own good sense and right-minded- 
ness, on the most important subjects. Let him husband his powers : write 
less, and when he writes, less diffusely. Let him not attempt to poetize on 
every insignificant subject, but be assured that thought and labour are re- 
quired if poetry is to be anything better than an amusement. At present we 
suspect that Mr. Kennaway does not rate the poetic art so high as we have 
a right to claim of those who publish. Powers he has, and those of no 
common kind : w r e take leave to suggest that one who does possess powers 
should, in his own person, show that he reverences the gift. Mr. Kennaway, 
with a temerity almost reaching affectation, has written some sonnets on 
scenes connected with railways, and with very considerable success. 

Our calculations with respect to the present number of this Review have 
been much deranged by circumstances. Although we have exceeded our 
ordinary quantity by more than four sheets, we are compelled to exclude most 
of the matter which occurs in this department of" Notices," as well as the 
Index, &c. of the last volume. We feel it right to account in this way for the 
postponement of our reviews of several very important works, to which, how- 
ever, we shall seek occasion to recur. Such are Mr. William Palmer's Essay 
on Development, in reply to Mr. Newman (Rivingtons), of which the first 
part only has appeared Mr. Allies's valuable work, 'The Church of England 
vindicated from the Charge of Schism ' (Burns) the reprint, with important 
additions, of Spelman on Sacrilege (Masters) the translation, in three 
vols, of Strauss's 'Life of Christ' (Chapman), with an original Latin Preface, 
in which the author, with especial reference to the failure in this country 
of Mr. Hennell's publications, anticipates the like success for his own work. 
This is at least creditable to his estimate of the English mind. Also Mr. 
Charles Wordsworth's ' Sermons on Christian Boyhood at a Public School,' 
(Rivingtons;) Dr. Whewell's Lectures on Systematic Morality,' (J. W. 
Parker.) We group together what we deem the chief publications of the 
quarter, because they will naturally require a more extended notice than 
we can at present give. 

Last quarter we omitted to notice a very useful ' Letter to the Bishop of 
London' from Mr. Cyril Page (Rivingtons). That the interest of the occasion 
has passed which called for this publication, although it makes the present 
notice superfluous, must be attributed to the admirable sense and caution 
which Mr. Page displayed in the management of an affair which required 
much delicacy and skill. These qualities we feel it right, however tardily, 
to acknowledge. 

' Sermons on the Seen and Unseen, by the Rev. E. Caswall, M.A.' 
(Burns.) These sermons have simple language, but deep ideas. One 
main line of thought pervades them ; the one conveyed in the title. The 
idea of an ' unseen ' world is made to penetrate, quietly but effectually, 
the reader's mind. He is made to feel that the mysteries of the Christian 
religion are realities; that the Incarnation of our Lord, and our own 
Regeneration through it ; the elevation of our nature, and our new exist- 
ence in a spiritual and angelic world, are real facts, though invisible ones, 
and should be always in our thoughts. The tone of preaching is that which 
the Christian Church cultivates spiritual, dogmatic, ethical. 



Notices. 295 

Of Sermons and Tracts we have to acknowledge: ' The Practical Doc- 
trine of the Incarnation,' by Mr. Heathcote, of New College. (J. H. Parker.) 
' The Treasure in Earthen Vessels ; a Farewell Discourse at Lincoln's Inn, ' 
by Mr. C. B. Dalton. (Sharpe.) ' The Theory of Development briefly con- 
sidered, 'by Mr. Gresley. (Burns.) ' The Scandal of Permitted Heresy; an 
Address by Mr. Wray of Liverpool,' (Batty;) which has attracted consi- 
derable notice. ' Brethren, pray for us ; by Mr. Stafford Brown.' (Dyer.) 
' An Assize Sermon ; by Mr. George Sandby.' (Bailliere.) ' A Visitation 
Sermon ; by Mr. T. C. Haddon.' (Deighton.) ' A Visitation Sermon ; by 
Mr. Hutchinson.' (J. W. Parker.) 'Church Union ; preached at Brooklyn, New 
York, by Mr. Johnson.' (Van Anden.) ' The Church a Debtor to all the 
World; by the Bishop of New Jersey.' (Morris.) ' An Historical Address,' 
also, ' by Bishop Doane.' (Morris.) ' Tracts for Scottish Christians : No. I.' 
(Edwards and Hughes.) ' Family Prayers ; by the Curate of Morwenstow.' 
(Bray.) ' The Church Sunday-school Magazine;' (Harrison, Leeds;) and 
a work above all comment, whose ' praise is in all the churches,' Dr. Pusey's 
edition of Scupoli's most practical, and awakening, and consolidating work, 
' The Spiritual Combat.' (Burns.) 



WE have received the following letters, with reference to a statement 
made on the authority of M. Souvestre, in our article on ' Brittany,' 
(No. LI. p. 151,) that a chapel exists near Treguier, dedicated to Notre 
Dame de la Haine, with a corresponding cultus. The attention of the 
Bishop of St. Brieuc was called to Souvestre's assertion, which, in the sub- 
joined letter, he distinctly denies, and strengthens his denial by a letter 
from a clergyman long resident at Treguier, the principal of the Eccle- 
siastical Seminary there. We give the contradiction as it is made; it is, 
of course, of the highest authority. We will only take the liberty of 
observing, that M. D'Urvoy's explanation of the origin of the story does 
not appear to us satisfactory. That M. Souvestre is, we believe, a Breton 
born and bred, and professes to have taken the greatest care in collecting 
and verifying his information by continual and familiar intercourse with 
the peasantry ; and that it appears to us quite possible that a detestable 
and shameful superstition should lurk among a rude people, without their 
publicly acknowledging it, or talking about it. It would be very hard to 
make the clergy responsible for every superstition among their people ; 
neither does M. Souvestre do so in this instance. 



^ I. 

DE > 

ST.-BRIEUC. J St.-Brieuc, le 28 Fevrier, 1846. 

MONSIEUR, Ce que M. Emile Souvestre raconte dans son livre intitu!6 

Les derniers Bretons d'une chapelle dediee a N. D. de la Haine, laquelle 

chapelle existerait pres de Treguier, petite ville de mon Diocese, est pure 



296 Notices. 

invention, et ce qii'il raconte a ce sujet noire caloranie. Malgre les con- 
naissances que je possedais deja par moi-meme sur toute cette accusation 
inique contre une population chretienne et bieu moins superstitieuse que 
d'autres populations dont on vante la civilisation avancee, mais qui ont a 
peu pres perdu la foi, j 'ai voulu cependant prendre a cet egard de nou- 
veaux renseignements sur le lieu meme, et je me suis adresse pour cela au 
superieur de mon petit seminaire de Treguier. Je viens de recevoir sa 
reponse, et je m'empresse de vous la transmettre. II est bon de vous faire 
observer que cet ecclesiastique, age maintenant de 53 ans, est a Treguier 
depuis environ trente ans, et qu'il n'a pas cesse de 1'habiter. II s'est 
beancoup occupe de 1'histoire du pays, des moaurs de ses habitants, des 
monuments, &c. C'est assez vous dire qu'il merite un peu plus de creance 
qu'un jeune liomme qui n'a peut-etre jamais passe par le pays de Treguier, 
et qui, sur quelques propos, entendus ici ou la dans les auberges ou les 
voitures publiques, aura cru faire merveille et rendre son livre tres-piquant, 
en edifiant contre toute une population une histoire mensongere ; dans le 
but apparemment de decocher quelques traits contre la religion et surtout 
d'attirer le blame sur le clerge du pays, comme entretenant dans le peuple 
d'indignes et noires superstitions, ou du moins comme ne travaillant pas 
avec assez de zele et de vigueur a les detruire. Je le repete, Monsieur, en 
finissant, nos Bretons ne sont pas superstitieux comme on le suppose 
gratuitement, et je soutiens que de tous les pays de la France, la Bretagne 
est 1'un des moins superstitieux. Paris, si eclaire, et sa banlieue, sont 
be&ucoup plus superstitieux. Si je prends un ton aussi affirmatif, c'est 
parce que j'ai examine, et que j'ai pu comparer. J'ajoute que les nou- 
veaux ecrits sur la Bretagne ne sont que des romans. Nous nous amusons 
ici des innombrables bevues qu'ils presentent. Les geographes ne traves- 
tissent pas moins notre province que nos soit-disant historieus modernes. 
C'est pitie en verite que de vouloir parler d'un grand peuple et d'un grand 
pays sans avoir etudie a fond et le pays et le peuple qui 1'habite ! 

Je suis avec une consideration toute particuliere, et en vous felicitant de 
votre amour pour la cause de notre sainte religion, 

Monsieur, votre tres-humble et obeissant serviteur, 
(L. S.) * J. JN. PIERRE, Ev. DE ST.-BRIEUC. 

Monsieur Charles-Ernest Ponge, Clerc tonsurS 
au Seminaire de St.-Sulpice a Paris. 

IL 

ECOLE ECCLESIASTIQUE 

DE 
TREGUIER. Treguier, 27 Fevrier, 1846. 

MONSEIGNEUR, Vous me demandez des renseignements sur un passage 
de 1'ouvrage intitule Les Derniers Bretons, par Emile Souvestre. Pour 
repondre avec plus de clarte, je vais le reproduire ici. Ce que je peux faire 
d'autant plus facilement, qu'ayant lu 1'ouvrage il y a six ans, je fus si frappe 
du ridicule de ce passage que j'en pris note. 

Le voici done textuellement : 

4 Une Chapelle dediee a N. D. de la Haine existe toujours pres de Tre- 



Notices. 297 

guier : et le peuple n'a pas cesse de croire a la puissance des prieres qui 
y sont faites. Par fois encore, vers le soir, on voit des ombres honteuses 
se glisser furtivement vers ce triste edifice place au haut d'un c6teau sans 
verdure. Ce sont de jeunes pupilles, lasses de la surveillance de leur tuteur ; 
des vieillards, jaloux de la prosperite d'un voisin ; des femmes, froissees par 
le despotisme d'un mari, qui vienne la prier pour la mort de 1'objet de leur 
haine. Trois Ave denotement repetes amenent irrevocablement cette mort 
dans 1'annee.' (Tom. i. p. 264.) 

Sur cela vous me faites deux questions, 1. Est-il vrai qu'il existe pres 
de Treguier une chapelle dediee a Notre Dame de la Haine ? Non : il n'en 
existe aucune ; et 1'on n'en trouve aucun trace, aucun souvenir dans toute 
1'histoire de Treguier, ni de ses environs. 

2o. Le peuple de Treguier a-t-il reellement la superstition que lui attribue 
E. Souvestre? Non; le peuple de Treguier, au contraire, a temoigne une 
grande surprise, et une grande indignation, en apprenant ce que 1'auteur 
se permettait d'inventer et de debiter ainsi sur son compte. Et, en realite, 
lorsqu'on lit son ouvrage, on voit que cet ecrivain a souvent pris ses ren- 
seignements dans les cafes et les billiards plutot que dans des sources 
authentiques ; et qu'ensuite il s'amuse a travestir les choses, faisant des 
recits de fantaisie et d'imagination, ou il cherche bien plus a faire des faceties 
qu'a etablir la verite historique. Jeune homme, a peine sorti de 1'ecole, tout 
en lui vise au roman ; ses idees sont singulieres, ses sentimens exageres, et 
son style plein d'enluminures et d'affectation. 

Mais quel objet a pu lui donner le theme de sa burlesque histoire? Le 
voici probablement. 11 y a sur la rive opposee au quai de Treguier un 
oratoire, sous le titre de Saint Yves de Verite. L 'amour de la justice dont 
6tait penetre le saint et savant magistrat, le zele et le devouement avec les- 
quels il defendalt les opprim6s, sont demeures tellement graves dans les 
esprits, que, dans des cas d'injuste oppression ou de proces inique, on 1'a 
invoque specialement dans ce lieu pour obtenir de Dieu par son entremise 
que la verite fut connue, et 1'injustice condamnee. Voila un culte et un 
oratoire qui sont connus ici. Mais pour la Chapelle de Notre Dame de la 
Haine, et sa bisarre superstition, elles sont de la creation de M. E. Souvestre 
et reellement sorties de son imagination fantasque. Car ici on ne trouve 
rien du pareil, ni dans le passe, ni dans le present. 

Veuillez bien agreer, Monseigneur, les hommages respectueux de votre 
tres humble et tout devoue serviteur, 

J. M. URVOY. 

Vu pour certifer veritable 
la signature de M. VAble Urvoy. 

St. Brieuc, le 27 Fevrier, 1846, 
(L. S.) * J. JN. PIERRE, Ev. DE ST.-BRIEUC. 



298 



BUNSEN ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF HOLY SCRIPTURE. 1 
To the Editor of the Christian Remembrancer. 

MY DEAR SIR, You ask me whether a statement in another 
periodical is correct, that Chevalier Bunsen looks upon the 
ages of the patriarchs as being periods and phases of civiliza- 
tion, not literal years ; and whether he takes a rationalistic view 
of this portion of the sacred history ? 

It is painful to speak thus of one who is known to us by the 
employments of earlier years the compilation of pious hymns 
and of public prayers, superior to what the Germans yet possessed. 
But when one comes among us to introduce a very grave 
ecclesiastical change, and bring our Church into relations with 
religious bodies, such as it never yet entered into, the English 
Church may justly desire to know what the religious belief of 
the individual is, who recommends to her a great religious change 
in her relations, were his plan carried out, which God avert! 

This work of Chevalier Bunsen touches only incidentally upon 
the history of the Bible, and much more is contained in the 
way of implication, or of general principle, than of direct state- 
ment. Chevalier Bunsen wishes to disbelieve as little as, 
without giving up his hypothesis, he can; he wishes also to 
represent to himself that what he disbelieves is detached from 
the actual substance of religion ; he wishes, too, to put forward 
rather what he believes than what he disbelieves. But his state- 
ments do amount to disbelief in plain facts of Scripture history; 
his principles involve the denial of all historical inspiration ; his 
glowing approbation of other books, of which I must speak, does 
evince a most painful amount of unbelief in the divinity of the 
Old Testament and its prophecies. 

The occasion of his entering into the question of the history 
of Holy Scripture at all is the Egyptian chronology. Of course 
the chronology of nations, proud of their antiquity, and exagge- 
rating that antiquity, whether in Egypt or in India, must be at 
irreconcilable variance with that of the Bible ; and ' the wisdom 
of this world,' which has not learned to subject ' the wisdom of 
the Egyptians ' to the simplicity of Holy Scripture, will take 
part with the latter. The world sides with the world. Chevalier 
Bunsen thinks he can take a middle course; sacrifice the chrono- 

1 'JSgyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte, von C. C. J. Bunsen.' Hamburgh, 1845. 
(Egypt's Position in the History of the World.) 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 299 

logy of the Bible, as ' the most outward part of outward history,' 
and yet not part with what a Christian must retain. 

I will first set down what he says on the side of belief. He 
believes 'in the truth, as matter of fact, of the relation of 
Joseph's personal character and power ' (p. 223). He believes 

* the historical personality of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ' 
(pp. 222, 5); and that the 'beginning of the historical inquiry 

* of the Jews into the past, and their tradition as to the present, 
' which have been preserved to us [in the Pentateuch,] are to be 
'carried back to Moses and his times ' (p. 201). But this, unless 
he does himself great wrong, is the whole amount of what he 
believes of the sacred narrative up to Moses. He does not pro- 
fess to believe more ; and what he does disbelieve leaves but 
this naked residuum, which, except as far as it might be a step 
to further belief, is in itself as good as nothing. 

To Chevalier Bunsen it seems something, because he is inured 
to systems in which less is believed, or nothing. In all stages of 
imperfect belief, they who believe a little more may seem to 
themselves to believe, by the side of those who believe still less. 
Eichhorn, who treated Holy Scripture with a miserable lightness, 
could, in 1825, speak of himself as ' too orthodox for his times,' 
because he believed in the genuineness of the Pentateuch, apart 
from all. miracles, prophecy, or revelation. And now in a more 
earnest school (would it had learned humility also !) writers speak 
of themselves as being on the side of belief, because there is 
something which, in a shadowy way, they do not altogether 
disbelieve something which they can abstract from Holy Scrip- 
ture as it stands, and take as an ideal of their own. Such have no 
idea of the objective way in which the Christian Church has ever 
looked upon Holy Scripture, and believes every thing, because 
' it is written.' Luther (as is so well known) gave them the 
unhappy example of subjecting Holy Scripture to a standard of 
his own, and accepting or rejecting its parts accordingly ; and 
now those German writers on Holy Scripture, who do believe 
more or less, with rare exceptions, part, without scruple, with 
what does not fit in with their standard, and yet doubt not as 
to their own belief, because they are in conflict with those who 
believe less, and because they have given up that old simple 
belief, as something which it is hopeless to maintain. 

Some statement of this kind seemed necessary, to explain how 
Chevalier Bunsen could represent to himself what he parts with, 
as something wholly outward only ; while it, in fact, involves 
the whole reverence for, and credibility of, this portion of Holy 
Scripture, and, by implication, of so much besides. Thus he 
cannot bring himself to think that he is rejecting more than the 
chronology of Holy Scripture, arms himself with the case of 



300 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

Galileo, and ridicules the idea of an inspired knowledge of the 
duration of this world from its beginning. He begins by reject- 
ing the date assigned to the sojourning in Egypt, and is met by 
the prophecy in the mouth of Almighty God himself, as revealing 
it to Abraham (Gen. xv. 13). Yet, in the way in whicn Germans 
are unhappily inured to look upon Holy Scripture, he cannot 
bring himself even to regard this as being possibly prophecy ; 
he disbelieves it without even the consciousness that he is dis- 
believing anything which any one can now think of believing ; 
he supposes * the prophetical account to have been a little earlier 
or later than the Exodus,' i. e. that the statement that it is a 
prophecy, is altogether a fiction ; and yet cannot imagine that he 
has thereby stated anything derogatory to Holy Scripture. He 
disposes of the prophetical account with as little scruple as we 
might with a date of his Egyptian chronology, or of Livy. He 
assumes that the whole is entirely untrue. He is writing for 
those accustomed so to regard it. He cannot even bring himself 
to think that it so far claims to be true, that he is necessarily 
imputing untruth to it. The passage is as follows : ' For the 
f sojourning in Egypt, there was no historical chronology trans- 

* mitted, any more than there was history itself; nay, in this 
' period there were not even eminent individuals, by aid of whom 
' a genealogy might be formed between Joseph and Moses. They 
' doubled then that patriarchal period [215 years] for the sojourn- 
' ing in Egypt, in order to express its far greater duration, and 

* gave to this number the form of an historical sum without any 

* basis of genealogies. This statement is accompanied something 
' earlier or later, (for this is doubtful,) by that prophetical statement of 

* four centuries and four generations, Gen. xv. 13 15.' (P. 2 1 7). 
Yet what is this but to say, that there being no data as to the 
length of the sojourning of the children of Israel in Egypt, a 
sum entirely arbitrary was taken, whereas Holy Scripture lays a 
remarkable stress upon the date (Ex. xii. 41 :) 'At the end of 

* the 430 years, even the self-same day, it came to pass that all the 
' hosts of the Lord went out from the land of Egypt ?' But not 
only so, but whereas Holy Scripture says that Almighty God 
revealed to Abram, ' Thy seed shall be a stranger in a land not 

* theirs, and shall serve them, and they shall afflict them four 
'hundred years; and also that nation whom they shall serve will 

* I judge, and afterwards they shall come out with great sub- 
' stance,' Chevalier Bunsen says that this was not so ; that this 
whole sum of 400 years was a fictitious one ; and that whether 
this statement was ' someichat earlier or later ' than the account 
of the Exodus is doubtful. Anyhow it was not a prophecy, nor 
said to Abram, since it was only a little earlier or a little later 
than its completion. 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 301 

Having thus set aside the later chronology, as to the length 
of the sojourn in Egypt, he thinks, as matter of consistency, 
that no greater credit can be claimed for the earlier, the patriarchal 
period, from the call of Abram (as we believe it to be) to Jacob's 
going down into Egypt. As before he dispensed with prophecy, 
so here with the history of the Bible. He denies that Abraham 
was the father of those whom Holy Scripture calls his sons ; 
and altogether, that this history contains f the personal relation 
of father and son ' at all. Yet he does not seem conscious that 
he thereby denies almost every detail which Holy Scripture 
relates, and leaves himself only (which, indeed, is all which he 
professes to believe,) the bare * personal existence of Abraham, 
Isaac, and Jacob.' The occasion of this denial is, that for his 
Egyptian chronology he needs a longer period than the 215 
years assigned by Holy Scripture, from Abraham's coming to the 
promised land, to Jacob's going down into Egypt. As a ground 
for the denial, he takes occasion partly of some of Abraham's 
descendants having the same name as the countries they settled 
in, (a ground which would make many of our forefathers 
unhistorical personages, or all who ' call their lands after their 
own names,' or whose sons, as Holy Scripture often mentions, 
called places by the name of a forefather,) partly that the names 
of three of the grandsons of Keturah have plural endings. The 
passage stands thus : 

'The numbers which make up the 215 years are as follows : 

His age. Year of this period. 

Abram 's coming into Canaan .75 1 

Isaac's birth 101 25 

Isaac's marriage 40 65 

Esau's and Jacob's birth .. 60 :.,... 85 
Jacob's going down to Egypt . 130 ^ ..... 215 

' As to these numbers, no difference of accounts has been transmitted to us ,- 
still, historical criticism assuredly is not entitled to claim more belief for 
the chronological nature of the genealogies before the going down into 
Egypt than for the like in Egypt. Besides this, it must call attention to> 
the nature of the genealogy of Abram as a whole. 

' Abram the Hebrew (Eber) was great grandson of Serug, whose name 
Buttmann has proved to be that of the district of Edessa, Erech, and the 
first forefather of Osroene. He was the son of Terah, who quitted Uz, in 
Chaldaea, and removed to the land of Haran. He is called the brother of 
Haran, Lot's father ; father of Ishmael, the first forefather of thirteen Arabic 
districts, and of Midian. Further, through JoktLan and Sheba (two names 
proved to be those of districts), as his son and gianlson, great-grandfather 
of the Asshurim, Letushim, and Leummim. Any one who still wished not to 
see, with regard to these names, that they are names of tribes, not of 
persons, will here, through the plural form of the names, be compelled to, 
acknowledge that he is in the province of traditions as to the connexion of 
tribes of people, in which epochs are indicated in the form of genealogies. 

' Lastly, as Abram, through Isaac and Jacob, is great-grandfather of the 
twelve tribes of Israel, so is he, through Esau, grandfather of Amalek, and 



302 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

five other Idumaean tribes of Northern Arabia, which, together with the sons 
of Seir, i. e. of the mountain-chain of Edom, dwelt in this land, and together 
with the descendants of Seir, among whom is the Iduma3an district Uz, known 
to us through Job. Any one, then, may be perfectly convinced of the per- 
sonality not only of Jacob and Isaac, but also of that of Abraham ; and any 
one may see that with Abraham historical personages take the places of 
early forefathers of tribes ; and yet, in the age of " Abram the Hebrew," 
have some glimpse into a period not continuing on along natural genera- 
tions, nor capable of being measured from our present point of view. 
Thereby it will become the clearer that the genealogy of the chosen friend 
of God is historically to be looked upon as exhibiting great and long- 
enduring commotions of the old population of Asia from the mountains of 
Armenia and Chaldaea, which rolled through Mesopotamia to the northern 
and eastern boundaries of Egypt, to Amalek and Edom. They represent 
the relations of tribes of people, and their ramifications, not personal 
relations of father and son ; consequently they authenticate to us epochs, 
not natural generations.' 

'On this ground,' he adds, ' we pass over in entire silence the chronolo- 
gical measurement of the two periods before Abram, the primeval history 
before and after the Flood." (P. 223225). 

Now, if one is to glean from this how much Chevalier Bunsen 
does believe of the history of the 'father of the faithful, the 

* friend of God ;' who, ' by faith, sojourned in the land of 

* promise, as in a strange country, dwelling in tabernacle* 
'with Isaac and Jacob, the heirs with him of the same 
' promise,' it would be difficult to say, probably for himself 
also. He does think these three, Abraham also, historical 
personages ; yet in their history, whether in its moral, religious, 
or typical character, the birth of each descendant of Abraham, 
whether in the line which had the promises, or by the foreknow- 
ledge and election of God excluded from it, and the relation of 
each to the other, are very prominent, and this in the minutest 
details. As a Divine history, every pai t of it is instructive. 
Chevalier Bunsen distinctly expresses his disbelief that Ishmael 
was any historical son of Abraham, or even Isaac, or Jacob of 
Isaac ; for if this were admitted, since the period is measured by 
their lives, the chronology of the Bible would stand true, and 
his own would be overthrown. He tells us that they designate 
not the relations of father to son, but epochs, movements of 
people, &c. Now, let any English Christian, even apart from 
this sacred history itself, think how the truth of its details is 
implied throughout the Bible ; how a minute accuracy of those 
details is assumed by St. Paul, in the Epistles to the Romans, 
Galatians, Hebrews ; by St. Stephen, when ' full of the Holy 
Ghost ' (Acts vii.) ; or in the Psalms ; or more, Who it is Who 
calls Himself 'the God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and of 
Jacob ;' or how our blessed Lord speaks of them, as though 
the whole history on the surface of the Bible was true ; and 
let him imagine what a chaos it would make of that which is 
now part of his faith, and more > recious to him than the apple 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 303 

of his eye, could he adopt such a theory as this of Chevalier 
Bunsen. 

Chevalier Bunsen denies the two leading facts upon which 
almost the whole Scripture history of Abraham turns his call 
out of his own land, and the trial of his faith as to the son who 
' had the promises,' from whom, after the flesh, the promised 
Seed should be born, in ' Whom all nations of the world should 
be blessed.' 

Abraham's first act of faith, by which, * when he was called to 
' go out into a place which he should after receive for an inherit- 
'ance, went out, not knowing whither he went,' is to him a 
part only of the * great and long-enduring commotions of the 
old population of Asia.' Isaac, to him, * represents the relation 
of a tribe of people, not the personal relation of father to son.' 
In plain words, whereas Holy Scripture tells us of the faith of 
Abraham, receiving a revelation, obeying it, his belief imputed 
to him for righteousness, and his temporal reward; that * therefore 
' there sprang, even of one, and him as good as dead, as many as 
' the stars of the sky in multitude, and as the sand which is by the 
' seashore innumerable ;' Chevalier Bunsen supposes that this 
migration of Abraham was but part of the * great movement of 
the old population of Asia,' arising out of natural causes, and 
Abraham to have been but the natural head of some distinct 
portion of it. Isaac, the whole history of whom is to us so precious, 
is nothing more than the head of some distinct body, of common, 
origin, who, at some time nearer or further, within some centuries?,, 
migrated in the same direction as Abraham. 

Thus, of the whole history of Abraham, one only chapter 
remains as real fact, that in which he is related to have delivered 
Lot, save that he is only * called,' and was not really * the 
brother of Lot's father.' Lot was not, what this chapter ' calls' him, 
'Abram's brother's son.' By a strange coincidence, this is the 
one history which a writer, wholly unbelieving, whom Chevalier 
Bunsen highly extols, selects as giving 'an account of inestimable 
value,' but 'wholly at variance with all other accounts;' 1 in which 
Abraham ' appears, like Eshkol and Mamre, with whom he 
' stands in a mutual defensive alliance as the head of a mighty 
' house in Canaan ;' and in which ' he wages war, an act not even 
' distantly hinted at in the other documents, as not being suitable 
' to a prophet and holy man in the Mosaic view.' 2 

This correspondence of Chevalier Bunsen and Professor 
Ewald's opinions as to the history of the Patriarchs is so re- 
markable, that one could hardly help fearing, for Chevalier 
Bunsen's sake, that the agreement went further. Chevalier 

1 Ewald, Gesch. d. Volkes Israel, i. p. 353. * Ib. p. 70. 



304 Bwisen on the Scripture Chronology. 

Bunsen leaves no doubt. He gives us, I grieve to say, more 
definite proof as to his own real unbelief in the early history 
of the Bible. He thus concludes his own statement as to this 
portion of that history (pp. 226, 227) : 

' Since the above was written, the first part of Ewald's History of the 
People of Israel has appeared ; a work w hich we look upon as the begin- 
ning of a truly historical, connected research into this ever-memorable 
portion of the history and its sources, and hail, with glowing thankfulness, 
as an honourable memorial of German learning and historical science. The 
learned author touches only incidentally upon the length of the period from 
Solomon to Moses ; but we rejoice to agree with him in the assumption 
that the general number is to be held and not the several details. As to 
the length of the sojourning in Egypt, he judges of the critical superiority 
of the Hebrew text as we do; of the historical credibility of the number 
430, more favourably than we can.' 

Yet the book which thus gladdens Chevalier Bunsen, is wholly 
infidel, except in words. It panegyrises, indeed, as human, what 
it cannot reverence as Divine; but even this it does as, itself, 
standing above what it praises. The old Rationalism, painful as 
it is, is, to me, hardly so sickening as this patronizing air, where- 
with men would praise what, as Divine, they understand not. 
There seemed some hope left, amid that stiff and naked sort of 
Rationalism, which little as it held and much as it denied of the 
truth, had not even swine-husks on which to feed itself. As 
soon as it felt its hunger, it must turn itself elsewhere for food. 
It had nothing which it could mistake for bread. Its victims 
were, in part, suffering from the sin of their fathers. There are 
many cases on record how persons have been converted to the 
truth which in ignorance they were opposing. The unbelief of 
Ewald seems of the most hopeless form. In his works, indeed, 
on the Old Testament, although engaged on parts of Holy 
Scripture which contain, scarcely veiled, the fulness of Gospel 
truth, he never refers to the Person of our Redeemer, or any 
doctrine of the Gospel; and on these, accordingly, I must say 
nothing as to his opinions. What he does say, falls in with what 
he said earlier: ' One must confine oneself to the idea of Chris- 
tianity.' He abstracts from Holy Scripture, as it stands, what 
he thinks the essence of it, admires, panegyrises it; the truth 
which he lays aside he is not at the pains to argue about any 
more, but ignores it, and assumes it to be untrue. And yet, 
because he holds something which he imagines to be the essence 
of Holy Scripture, he thinks that he is on the side of faith, and, 
himself unbelieving, speaks of himself as opposing unbelief. 

Chevalier Bunsen praises, without any reserve or exception, 
in glowing words, both Ewald's work on the Prophets of the Old 
Testament, and the (so-called) ' History of the People of Israel.' 
Yet, in his work on the Prophets, Ewald does not, in any of 
the very plainest passages, even refer to Him Who is the End of 



Bynsen on the Scripture Chronology. 305 

all prophecy. In his history of those to whom Almighty God 
first revealed Himself, the absence of all direct revelation is a 
first principle and axiom. It is not denied, but is courteously 
laid aside. If a clear prediction occur, it implies, on the princi- 
ples of Porphyry, that the writing in which it occurs is of the 
date of its fulfilment. This is, in Professor Ewald's mind, not 
derogatory from Holy Scripture. Either the writers did not 
mean to claim to be of that earlier date, or it was their mode of 
writing, or such was the current character of the popular tales ! 
At the worst, if the author of the book of Deuteronomy puts it 
in the mouth of Moses, and plainly says that the whole book 
was written by Moses, whereas Ewald lays down that it was 
written about eight centuries later, (p. 160,) nothing will 
disturb his courtesy towards Holy Scripture ; this is not * a lie,' 
or * a forgery,' but only shows ' the great boldness of historical 

* assumptions, characteristic of his age,' (p. 156.) 

Chevalier Bunsen praises this work, as ' the beginning of a 
' truly historical, connected inquiry, as to this ever-memorable 

* portion of the history of the world and its sources.' I will, 
first, give you some instances of the unbelieving principles of his 
inquiry into the sources of the history i.e. this part of Holy 
Scripture itself ; and then the results as to * this ever-memorable 
portion of history.' 

I need not enter into the details of the capricious theory by 
which Ewald culls, here and there, from Genesis to Kings, portions 
which he supposes to have been distinct works, of different dates, 
from about 1 140 B. c., i. e. about three centuries after the death 
of Moses, to about 623 B. c. ; but the earlier, largely altered and 
re-moulded by the later hands. It is, happily, I trust, a theory 
which none but a German mind could have devised, and none but 
German minds can entertain. Scientifically it is characterised 
by great bareness of facts, although advanced with unbounded 
self-confidence, and a bold riddance of all difficulties which stand 
in his way. If any passage, for instance, belonging to one of his 
supposed writers, contain some word, which, according to his 
theory, ought not to be there, the writer ' forgot himself,' or * it 
was interpolated.' But now I am to speak of the unbelief on 
which the theory rests. It is, as I said, an axiom with him, 
' A passage, seemingly containing prophecy, is of the date of the 

* event of which it speaks.' This is, in truth, his avowed cri- 
terion of the age of any portion of Holy Scripture. 

1. Thus, what he regards as the earliest portion of the 
Pentateuch, he ascribes to ' the second half of the time of the 
f Judges,' in that the blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix.) is probably 
borrowed from it ; ' and this * accurately represents ' the tribes 
as they then were. The correspondence of the prophecy as to 

NO. LIII. N.S. x 



306 JBunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

Dan, with the history of Samson, 1 makes Professor Ewald 

certain that it could be neither earlier nor later. (Pp. 79 81.) 

2. The second supposed portion, Ewald refers to the reign of 

Solomon, chiefly on the like infidel grounds. * It is bolder than 

* the former, in essays of higher surveys of times and things ; for 

* whereas the former, as far as we see from its fragments, once 
' only makes the dying Jacob look on to " the latter days," and 
' therewith open a higher view as to the present, then hid in the 
{ clouds [of the future,] in this the voice of the God who appears 
' to the Patriarchs ofttimes flows over into glad words and joyous 

* promises as to "the seed " also, or later posterity ; as though the 
4 present of the author (to which such declarations properly 

* refer, with the hope that its blessings would last for the future 

* also) was one of those rare periods which feel themselves 

* uplifted by the mighty dawning of pure prosperity, and look on 

* to yet greater ; and so it is said, among other things, Abraham 

* or Israel too, and Jacob would "become a multitude of nations, 

* and kings should come forth from him.'" In few words, ' the 
promised seed ' is simply an earthly posterity ; the revelations 
of God to the P atriarchs are put into His mouth by a writer who 
lived in a season of prosperity, * when Israel, after the troublous 

* days of anarchy and weakness, could in the full freshness of 
' its pride boast, that it too had kings,' and could hope that that 

1 Professor Ewald says, ' The more certain it is that this position of the tribe 
(Dan) under Samson, soon passed by, without any important effects, the more 
certainly must such words have been written during the brief prosperous elevation 
of Samson itself.' In other words, Holy Scripture does in these words speak 
only of the history of Samson, but as it could not speak of it before, (since accord- 
ing to him there is no prophecy,) so, being of no lasting importance, it would not 
have spoken of it afterwards. I will add a passage, on the relation of this supposed 
work to the other parts of the Pentateuch, of which it is the very least portion. 
' As to the days of Joshua and Moses, tradition at that time evidently still flowed 
very plentifully and clear ; as is to be expected, when as yet no more important 
period can have obscured the memory of the former. The tales too, as to the 
patriarchal times, were evidently admitted very circumstantially and with reminis- 
cences, the fulness of which afterwards fails moreand more ; [he gives as instances 
the mention of Phichol and Ahuzzath (Gen. xxvi. 26,)] That this work ventured on 
the early times before Abraham, of this there are, at least, absolutely no traces. 
Yet the date of the author-was so far at least removed from the Patriarchal period, 
lhat he could then on one occasion with poetic freedom essay a more elevated 
representation That the dying had clearer moments, and especially that a dying 
Patriarch could survey the future lot of his descendants, was the view of all anti- 
quity;' (for this the note refers to Homer and his interpreters ;) 'and so the author 
ventured to make the dying Jacob the voice from above declaring the purer truths 
which were to be spoken as to the tribes. This is the first attempt of the sort 
which we know ; later writers evidently only follow the model thus given them.' 
Pp. 82, 83. Od this model we are told (ib. note 2) that the following prophecies are 
entirely dependent, Gen. xviii. 15 19; xxvii. 27 29; xxxix. seq. ; Num. xxiii. 
seq. ; i. e. they were formed artificially upon it by later writers. This writer Ewald 
decides to have been of the tribe of Judah, ' on account of the prominence which he 
gives to that tribe,' (p. 83), as the author of the next is on the like ground pro- 
"hbunced'to have been a Levite. (P. 92V 



Bunsefi on the Scripture Chronology. 307 

season would last ; although it did not. This could be written, 
Ewald thinks, only in the time of Solomon, 1 neither before nor 
after, because neither before nor after were such hopes realized. 
(Pp. 87, 88.) 

Professor Ewald supposes that there were five other writers, at 
least, from whom the Pentateuch, in its present form, is derived. 
Two, whom he calls ' prophetic relaters of the early history,' and 
the authors of the song and blessing of Moses, and of the book of 
Deuteronomy. (P. 118.) 

His grounds for supposing that there would be still later com- 
pilers of the early history of Holy Scripture are, that ' assuredly 
' the materials of the old tales were not yet exhausted ; several 
' might be, in different districts, differently told; other facts might 

* be exhibited more fully or graphically. The lapse of time itself, 
' too, forms new views and relations in the province of old popular 

* tales, and amid the increased intercourse with foreign and distant 
'people, which, after Solomon, was never again wholly inter- 
' rupted, wholly new materials for relations and tales might readily 
' find entrance from foreign lands, and seek to be blended with the 
' older circle. But, mightier than all besides, according to the 
1 whole course of those centuries, was the prophetic way of 
' viewing and conceiving history ; and, since this can develop 
' itself the more freely, the further the ground of the history lies 
' from the present, and the more it is on that very ground already 

* the object of loftier thoughts, it was precisely in depicting their 
' earliest history that it would most fully unite itself with his- 

* torical writing.' Again, in plain words, antiquity invests dis- 
tant times with an air of grandeur ; what is distant is more easily 
conceived to contain what is supernatural; a writer has free 
scope there to relate as he will ; to alter, enlarge, picture, after 
his own thoughts ; in one word, to introduce Almighty God aw 
speaking, revealing Himself, and working miracles, when He 
did neither. 

3. Of the first of these two, supposed writers I need not say 
much, since Ewald himself seems only to be certain that there 
was such an one, and that he alone uses dreams as the vehicle of 
conveying the supposed future; and that 'he is, as relater of the 
' early history, the best prophet ; as the second is, as such, the best 
' legislator and leader of the people.' (P. 121.) ' The number of 
' pieces which he wrote,' Ewald tells us, ' are few, and so the 

1 ' How could the blessing,' Ewald asks, ' be so limited, and restrained (?) to 
something so wholly insulated and seemingly accidental, as that kings too should 
l>c among the descendants of the patriarchs'! And how is such a mode of conceiv- 
ing of the blessing to be found in the fragments of this (supposed) work and in 
Ho other] These questions can never be answered, unless it be held for certain, 
that the work was written in the first times of the kingdom, in its fresh bloom, 
when it furthered the real well-beine; of Israel,' &c, 

x2 



308 Rumen on the Scripture Chronology. 

' more difficult to recognise.' (P. 119.) ' He admitted,' how- 
ever, 'one piece,' (Gen. xiv.) 'a singular remnant of a very old 

* work, which may have been written of a non-Hebrew, perhaps 
' Canaanitish, people, before Moses.' The ground of this strange 
theory, that a Canaanitish writing was taken into the Bible, is, 
that in it Abraham is called ' the Hebrew ;' 'and so our relater, 
'living, perhapt, in North Palestine, near the Phoenicians, 
'received it into the circle of Hebrew history, certainly only 
' because Abraham was incidentally mentioned in it.' (P. 120.) 

4. The second of these ' prophetic relaters,' (it is shocking to 
repeat such names, knowing what they mean,) is so much the 
later, in that the prophecy of Balaam, which Professor Ewakl 
asserts him to have written, foretels what occurred later. 
According to the axiom, then, 'no foreknowledge is imparted to 
man ; ' the work which contains it is of the date of those events. 
Of the prophecy of Balaam, it does not ever occur to Professor 
Ewald that any yet interpret 'the star' and 'sceptre' of 
Bethlehem and Him who was there born, Christ the King ; the 
question is only 'whether it relates to king David or Jeroboam II. ;' 
and he decides against the latter, ' because an inhabitant of 

* Judah, such as the author, could have no reason for wishing 
' Moab to be reconquered by Samaria!' (P. 131.) Its date is, 
however, to be decided by the words in Balaam's prophecy, 
'the Assyrian shall carry thee (the Kenite) away captive;' 
which must belong to a time when Judah could look hopefully 
to the aid of Assyria, ' as under Uzziah or Jotham ; when, in 
' the kingdom of Judah, they must have been looked upon as 
' friends and welcome deliverers from the pressure of its neigh- 
' bours; whereto the saying as to Japheth, which this author pit te 
' into the mouth of Noah, remarkably points.' ' A saying,' he 
adds, ' which has a meaning only out of these very peculiar 
relations of the time.' (P. 132 & n. i.) Professor Ewald is 
only anxious to show that Numb. xxiv. 24, does not refer to the 
time of Salmanezer, ' when the relation and feelings of Judah 
towards Assyria must have been wholly altered.' (P. 133.) 

It is only a slight instance of his unbelief in the history of 
the Bible, (one instance where all is unbelief,) that he seta 
this supposed writer after Hosea, but before Isaiah, because he 
supposes Hosea not to have known his history of the destruction 
of Sodom and Gomorrah, which Professor Ewald says ' was 
formed on the pattern of the shameful act at Gibeah,' (Jud. xix.) 
as being 'the more historical j' ! whereas Isaiah (iv. v.) presup- 

1 ' One relation cannot have arisen without the other, [as though the same great 
sins, or similar, (for here all the actual details differ) were not repeated in the course of 
human crime] but it is easier to conceive that the more historical server), to a relater 
such as ours, to fill out the brief tale of the olden time?, than the converse." 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 309 

poses the same xieic of the Mosaic sanctuary as this writer, (i. e. 
the truth of the history of the pillar of cloud by day, and the 
flame of fire by night,) and of the destruction of Sodom and 
Gomorrha. 

Other unbelief, such as the context of every page implies, I 
will mention afterwards. I am now only showing how a prin- 
ciple of unbelief is the very basis of that ' inquiry into the 
sources of this ever-memorable portion of the world's history,' 
which Chevalier Bunsen so much praises. 

5. There remain what Ewald calls ' purely artificial' modes of 
handling the Mosaic history ; Lev. xxvi. 3 45, which is to be a 
whole by itself; and the book of Deuteronomy, except the song 
and blessing of Moses. Of these, the solemn warning in Leviticus 

* cannot,' he says, * have been written before the end of the eighth 
' century, or the beginning of the seventh (B.C.) because it pre- 
' supposes,' [i. e. contains a prophecy of] 'not only a complete 
' dispersion of at least the one kingdom, but also (v. 36 40) de- 

* scribes in the most vivid colours, the mournful feelings of the de- 
scendants [of this there is not one word] ' of those thus dispersed 
' in a strange land ; ice cannot then doubt that a descendant of the 

* exiles of the northern kingdom (the ten tribes) wrote down this 
' strong prophetic threatening' (p. 145). * The blessing of Moses,' 
on the other hand, ' was probably written during the last 
4 gleam of prosperity, which yet again came to Judah, after the 
' reformation of the kingdom under Josiah, and so in the time of 
' Josiah himself. For this imitation of the blessing of Jacob prc- 

* supposes a very prosperous internal condition of the kingdom, 
' or at least a very satisfactory state of the old religion, as we 

* must imagine it at this very time, when after the national re- 
' formation, good hopes for the future might readily be formed, 
' and expressed in poetry.' * In details also, very characteristic 

* but fully harmonizing with this time is the wish that Judah 

* might " come to his people," /. e. that the kingdom of David 
' might again rule the whole people of all the tribes,' [one should 
have thought this would have been that his people must come to 
Judah.] * The description of Levi as the honoured priestly tribe, 
' and of Jerusalem as the place of the temple (v. 12), as also that 
' the most northern tribes are blessed, as turning themselves to 

* this temple-mount in Jerusalem, in that, Galilee appears early 
' to have turned to Jerusalem. On the other hand, it proves 

* nothing against this, that the old words of blessing on Joseph, 
'which no longer fully correspond with these times, are simply 
' repeated,' (v. 13 17.) Pp. 161, 162. 

It is not my object here to speak of the arbitrary way in which 
Ewald disposes of all difficulties which oppose his theory, but 
simply of the unbelief involved in it. Yet I may just notice 



310 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

the way in which, calling upon people to give up their belief in 
prophecy, on account of the precise-ness of its fulfilment, and 
to confine that fulfilment to one narrow sense, within one 
narrow space, he recklessly sets aside what cannot be so con- 
fined. * The blessing of Moses,' according to him, is to be of the 
date of .Tosiah, as describing the then condition of things ; but 
the prophecy as to Joseph suits not, in that he says of those 
now gone into captivity, ' His glory is like the firstling of the 
' bullock, and his horns are like the horns of unicorns, with them 

* he shall push the people together to the ends of the earth." 
This, we are told, does not 'fully correspond with these times !' 
and so they are * simply' an unmeaning ' repetition' from 
Gen. xlix. But even this bad plea fails; they are no repe- 
tition ; they do not occur in Genesis. It is characteristic, too, 
how Ewald, insisting that the blessing of Moses speaks of those 
of Galilee calling to Zion to worship there, ignores altogether 
that greater call which went forth from Galilee, and but for which 
we, the ' nations,' had been heathen still. 

6. To proceed: ' The song of Moses, according to its contents 
' and character, can only have been composed in the times after 

* Solomon. What is antiquity to the poet, as he describes it 
' (v. 7 18) is the time of Moses; his present is a race already 
' greatly fallen from the faithfulness and prosperity of the Mosaic 

* time and of the first times after Moses, grown effeminate (?) and 

* overbearing, now much visited by grievous enemies and other 
' evils, but thereby even come to murmur against' [so Ewald is 
pleased to write it] ' Jahve.' * It cannot, from every hint, be 

* earlier than the close of the eighth century (B.C.)' 'because the 
' ancient people, (v. 21,) which already so long made Israel trem- 

* ble, is certainly the Assyrians, at that stage of their empire, de- 

* scribed by Isaiah,' (ch. xxxiii.) 

7. The proof that * the author of the book of Deuteronomy 
' wrote it somewhat about the second half of the reign of king 

* Manasseh, and in Egypt,' Ewald defers to a later part of his 
work ; here then it may suffice that he says, that its author 
' ventured to refer back as written down by Moe9, the whole 
large book of Deuteronomy, which in this form' [i.e. except 
such laws, &c. as are embodied in it] ' he wrote himselj.' He adds, 

This great boldness of historical assumption is certainly one 
of the many signs of the later date of the writer, which, on the 
very ground that it felt itself to be at such a distance from the 
time of Moses, gave the freest play to the mode of looking 
upon and treating history ;' ;'. e. one of the proofs that Deuter- 
onomy was not written by Moses is the boldness of the false- 
hood by which it asserts that he wrote it with his own 
hand. 



Pun-sen on the Scripture Chronology. 311 

I thought it best, even at the expense of some prolixity, and 
so much which is painful to write or read, that you should see 
with your own eyes, how unbelief is the very basis of the theory 
as to the 'sources of the history' which Chevalier Bunsen so much 
praises. Ewald does intersperse other statements : as that such 
and such words were found in this or that] number of chapters, 
which he assigns to one of his writers, helping himself out of 
any opposed facts, by charges of interpolation, &c. But the 
ground upon which he mainly determines the date, is uniformly 
that of infidels ; that, since there is no real prophecy, a work 
seeming to foretel a future event, or state of things, must be 
subsequent to that event, or contemporaneous with that state 
of things. 

Ewald's book seems to come still closer to Chevalier Bunsen's 
own statements, in the facts of the history, in regard of which 
Chevalier Bunsen calls it * the beginning of a truly historical, 

* connected inquiry as to this ever-memorable portion of the 
' world's history.' Chevalier Bunsen professes to ' be convinced 
' of the personal existence, not of Jacob and Isaac only, but of 

* Abraham also.' How is this reconcileable with disbelief of 
their relation to one another ? Ewald solves the question, but 
shows what a bare residuum this * conviction of the personal 
existence' of the Patriarchs leaves, in place of the loving, reve- 
rential memory of the ' father of the faithful,' ' the friend of 
God.' He sets out with stating that ' the inquiry into this 
' period is rendered the more difficult, because with very slight 

* exceptions, our only source is the Bible ;' ' yet, although we 
' cannot here own very much, so securely as we would wish, as 

* pure history, yet at least, some strictly historical truths of im- 

* portance do come up the more welcome out of that distant sea 
' of fog so soon as we are adequately qualified to see them 
' right.' (P. 339). 

The prevailing character of the Bible -relations, Professor 
Ewald declares to be unhistorical. The three Patriarchs stand at 
the head of a series of ideal pictures, analogous to the ' heroes,' 
as distinct from the gods, of heathen antiquity ; and the juxta- 
position of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, as the fathers of this 
ideal house and the prominent figures in it, may, he says, be 
compared to that of Agamemnon, Achilles and Ulysses, on which 
three all in the Iliad turns, or of Anchises, .^Eneas, and Ascanius 
in the cycle of the old tales of Troy, or as Rama and Lakshniana, 
Krishna and Bala, are more or less perfect ideals of the same 
character. (P. 341.) 

In few words, Ewald supposes what is ' really historical' as to 
the Patriarchs to be, that certain chiefs of wandering tribes, so 
named, did, perhaps through centuries, migrate into Canaan ; 



31 2 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

left certain memorials of themselves in a form of worship diffe- 
rent from that of Moses, or rather, different forms of a religion 
of nature ; dwelt, some more in one part of the country, others 
in others ; that the relative importance or date of the immigra- 
tions was marked by the Hebrews ' by means of their genealogy 
' of Abraham, by setting the earlier in a definite relation Avith 

* that hero ; ' that the character ascribed in the popular tales, 
(Sagengeschichte) [i.e. the History of the Bible] is meant partly 
to characterise the individual chief, (as Isaac means a gentle, 
kind-hearted person,) mostly the tribe itself, in whom the indi- 
vidual chief is lost. And all this is purely human. According 
to him, the Patriarchs came * as leaders of little bands, with 
' their armed dependents and their herds, as good warriors and 

* useful allies, at first rather sought, and perhaps invited, by the 

* old inhabitants, than forcing themselves upon them.' (P. 363.) 
Their movements were the more uncertain, we are told, 'the 
' more uncertain the needs were which compelled this or that 
' Canaanitish prince to seek their alliance,' (pp. 363, 364;) but on 
the whole, he sums up (in a way remarkably corresponding with 
Chevalier Bunsen's) ' Little as we can prove each individual 

* portion of that migration which lasted, perhaps, through cen- 

* turies, yet its whole character may very safely be conceived as 
' much of the same sort, as that slow advance of so many other 

* Northern people, as of the Germans towards Rome, or of the 
' Turks in the same countries in the middle ages, who, too, were 
' often sought out as allies, or else, in one or the other way, as 
' valiant defenders.' (P. 364.) ' Abraham can only denote one of 
' the most important and oldest of these Hebrew immigrations. 

* Which, of those subsequent, were most important, was fixed 

* in the memory among the people of Israel by aid of their genea- 

* logy of Abraham, in that they set the earlier founders of con- 
' nected tribes of this sort in a definite relation with that hero.' ^ 
(Ib.) And of those (as I said) some seem to him almost simply ideal 
characters. Thus Isaac is a ' fainter, often slightly altered copy, of 

* the tales and thoughts out of Abraham's life, in which the varia- 
' tions arise from this only, that Isaac altogether ranks as the less 

* self-dependent hero, less gifted with energy, and so more open to 
' the attacks of the enemy, &c.' ' Lot has a name in the popu- 
' lar tales only, and, in ordinary life, only designates Moab and 
' Ammon ; and so one might conjecture that he never had any 

* real historical existence, did not this very ancient piece (Gen. xiv. ) 

* at once condemn such assumptions. Here we see him quite his- 

* torically as brother, i. e. near relative of Abraham, dwelling in 
' Sodom, as though, among the ancient inhabitants the other side 
' Jordan, he played the same part as Abraham on this side,' 
(p. 367.) Others, on the contrary, are almost identified, in Ewald's 



Buiisen on the Scripture Chronology. 313 

mind, with the tribes of which they are said to have been the chiefs. 
Some lose all historical existence, and are supposed even to have 
been Canaanitish tribes mingled with the Hebrew. Thus, al- 
though he says, * it would be pure folly to deny that such heroes 
' as Jacob and Joseph really lived in those early times, as fathers 

* and benefactors of the people, in other names, the traces dis- 

* coverable carry us only so far, that we see how they were very 

* old tribes and people formed before Jacob, which, in more or less 
' numerous bodies, were incorporated into the commonwealth of 

* Jacob, and so continue to be regarded as sons or grandsons of 
' the father of the people,' (p. 435 ;) i. e. the sons of Jacob were 
tribes older than him who, Holy Scripture tells us, was their 
father. Even * the popular tale, [Sage] which, as long as it 
' treats of the Hero-father as personally living, continues still to 

* treat them, at least more or less, as his sons, after his and Joseph's 

* death, drops in all essentials this mode of viewing them, and the 

* twelve sons of Jacob act purely as tribes.' [What this means is 
certainly not very intelligible: after the death of Joseph, they, 
too, were dead: how, then, they could act at all, or, since their 
posterity became the twelve tribes, how Holy Scripture, so 
speaking of them, implies that they had no father from whom 
they are named, does not appear.] Even of Jacob himself, most 
which is related seems to Ewald to be a mere picture of the strug- 
gles or manoeuvres of the people whom he is supposed to repre- 
sent. Thus having, by a conceit which must be a great favourite 
with him, since he often repeats it, represented the history of 
Jacob (Gen. xxix. 15; xxxii. 1,) as ' the Hebrew " Comedy of 
' Errors," which one may with good ground assume to have been 

* formerly acted by players at popular feasts, and afterwards to 
' have passed into the narrative,' (p. 393,) he says its object is ' to 

* represent the contest between the crafty Hebrews on the two 

* sides of the Euphrates, and to show how the Southern gained 

* the upperhand, and the Northern must retire, full of derision and 

* mockery. Thus, through centuries, may the kindred people, 

* Nahor or Laban, and Israel, on the north borders of Palestine, 
' in jest and in earnest, have disputed together, teased, and sought 
' to outcraft the other ; and since there was no such relation be- 

* tween them after Moses, we must own that we have here a 
' remnant of those early histories, and we see how early Israel 
' was accounted as the people which outcrafted the other.' The 
relation of the names of Jacob and Israel he explains to have 
been that of the people under different circumstances. ' Most 
' certainly, the people, which in the North, beyond the Euphrates, 
' was called Jacob, and under this name migrated into Canaan, 
' then first, after it had been mingled with older Hebrew people, 
'and, reinforced by them, had become a new mighty people, 



314 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology* 

f recieived the new name of its victorious hero, Israel.' (P. 391.) 
Jacob, we are told (p. 427,) ' became grandson to Abraham,' 
' in that he incorporated Hebrew materials which had already 
' long been living in Canaan.' 

This might suffice as a specimen of this mode of treating Holy 
Scripture. It is worth while to add another, as an instance also 
of the absurdly inadequate grounds on which these perversions 
of Holy Scripture are set before people as absolutely certain truth. 
The point to be proved then is, that the incorporation of un- 
Hebrew or Canaanitish people by Jacob is undeniable. In proof, 
it is alleged, (1.) that the biblical relaters themselves cited with- 
out hesitation that the first sons of Jacob took Canaanitish wives ; 
(2.) that the name Ephratah for Bethlehem is on the one side 
very old and ante-Mosaic ; on the other, it unquestionably is con- 
nected with the name of the tribe Ephraim, although this tribe, 
after the new conquest of the land by Joshua, never had rule so 
far south ; so, then, we have every reason to regard it as an old 
Canaanitish portion of the people, which, with the genuinely 
Hebrew Manasseh (or Makir) formed the tribe Joseph ; whence 
also it would be explained how it came to be originally subordinated 
to Manasseh, and could not be accounted as Joseph's first-born, 
(Gen. xlviii.) And if Esau really had, according to the un- 
questioned reading (Gen. xxvi. 34,) a Hittite wife, Jehudith, 
then the name Judah also would be old Canaanitish. Lastly, he 
notices that in five cases, grandsons of Jacob, by different fathers, 
have the same name (no unusual thing among us certainly) ; he 
adds a sixth, in which a son of Reuben and a son of Midian (a 
son of Abraham by Keturah) also have the same ; and adds, 

* this is scarcely to be accounted accidental. But these may be 
' older people, which, being broken up, passed into the one or 

* other tribe of fresh people. 1 * A clearer instance for us of the 
' same sort,' we are told, 'is the case of the sons of Kenaz. Othniel, 
' Caleb's younger brother, is called a son of Kenaz ; Caleb himself, 

* the son of Jephunneh, bears the name Kenizzite ; a grandson of 
' Caleb is also called Kenaz.' To us this would prove simply that 
Kenaz was a name in his family. Ewald says, * this plainly can 

* mean nothing else than that Caleb with his followers allied him- 

* self with the Kenizzites, settled in the land of Canaan, and was 
' acknowledged by them as entitled to all the privileges of their 
' tribe. If, then, these Kenizzites were brought later into a relation 

* of dependence to his descendants, Kenaz could also be called his 
' grandson.' But Kenaz was also the name of a grandson of Esau, 
( Gen. xxxvi.) This, then, proves, that * another part of the 
' people dwelt in Edoni, and these giving up entire independence, 

* entered into the union of the kingdom of the Edornites, as those 
allies of Caleb into that of the Israelites.' (P. 298.) 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 315 

You will be prepared, after this, for Ewald's historical view 
of the religion of the patriarchs, at which he arrives by over- 
looking wholly all which God, in the New Testament, says of 
it ; and assuming most of what is said in the Pentateuch itself 
to be the colouring of the later relaters. He assumes it to have 
been (he could not do otherwise) 'a religion of nature.' ' The 
' religions of such an infantine period are,' he says, ' locally also 
'manifold and different, as the essence of religions of nature 
1 involves,' (P. 356.) The two instances of building altars with 
distinct names, * God of Bethel,' ' God, the God of Israel,' (Gen. 
xxxiii. 20 ; xxxv. 7,) he looks on as 'a proof the more that a 
definite religion, peculiar to it, must have centered around such 
a place.' He compares in later times, Ex. xvii. 15 (ib.) 
f Their religion, indeed, we may safely believe,' he says, * was 
' Monotheistic, as well as Mosaism, since it must contain some- 

* thing which was carried on in Mosaism, only further developed; 
' and to conceive of the Deity as a Person or Unity is what 
'occurs most naturally,' (p. 371 ;) and ' each of the three patri- 
' archs could the more readily hold one God, the more their rule 
' was purely domestic, and so their God was essentially a single 
' family-god ; and that they conceived of this one God with 
'strict morality, and in contrast with any degraded concep- 
'tions, is guaranteed by their whole extraordinary life, as 

* beginners and founders of a new period to which the later 
' look back with amazement ; as also in that the Canaanitish 
' priest-king, when, according to the ancient piece (Gen. xii. 
'20, 22), he would bless Abraham, calls upon "the most high 
' God, the Creator of heaven and earth," as the God corre- 
' sponding to him. But such a domestic god, however elevated 
' be the conceptions of him, admits of other gods, together with 
' himself, for other houses and other men, and, accordingly, is no 
' way a security against Polytheism, especially since these gods 
'may easily be co-ordinated with him; and that God, in the 
' time before Moses, was conceived of with this idea of indefinite 
'extension, and possible divisibility, the standing use of the 
' plural, Elohim, proves (especially as compared with the corre- 
' sponding Teraphim, penates). The oldest tale itself proves 
k this, in that, in an oath it makes Jacob and Laban call upon 
' the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor as two different 
' gods (!); and only sets "the God of the father of both" over 
' the duality, in order not to admit it as valid in itself, and so 
' wholly contradictory to the Mosaic religion. That together 
' with the chief God, and the house-god of the chief, at least in 
' the conception of the people, a Hero-Pantheon was formed, has 



' been recognised above from clear traces.' (P. 372.) 'Enoch and 
' Lamech must, in the original tradition, have been 



accounted as 



316 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

' demi-gods, or even as gods.' (P. 314.) Ewald sums up, ' thus 
' there was wanting to this one God (the God of Abraham, and 
'of Isaac, and of Jacob see Matt. xxii. 31, 32) all the more 
' precise definiteness, and sharp severance of the Mosaic God.' 

Of a truth, Divine Wisdom, as she is justified of her children, 
so she avenges herself of her adversaries. It is sorrowfully in- 
structive how Holy Scripture is a sealed book to those who seek 
not Him to open it, by Whose inspiration it was written, but 
would fain employ keys of their own. 

When discrepancy is thus boldly invented, the marks of unity 
are easily dispensed with, as having been introduced by the 
later relaters. Thus he speaks how the second 'boldly rises 
' above genealogies, in a description seeking to explain the 

* origin of every thing visible in a history of creation.' (P. 
96). The fourth ' sets up, in the early time too, before the flood, 
'a contrast of good and evil among men, yea, pursues this 

* contrast still further, up to the first man, and there treats of 

* it at the same time in the prophetic way. Gen. iii.' (P. 126.) 
' He describes, not only in the case of Noah, but also even 
' as early as Abel and Cain, sacrifices quite Mosaic ; withoiit 
'anxiously inquiring whether they belong to the gates of 
'Paradise.' (P. 128). 'It could not be an object,' we are 
told, ' with the second relater, to give such marked prominence 
' to this difference' [between the religion of, and before, Moses]. 
' Abraham is, to him, the first Hebrew possessor of the holy 
' land, at the beginning of the third age of the world, and at 

* the same time the type of all its later inhabitants ; and as 
' the idea of a covenant between God and man is, to him, 
' the highest in every great turn in history, a new covenant 
' of this sort is, to him, the height of the whole life of Abraham, 
'wherein all its eminence is united.' (P. 372.) 'The fourth 
' relater conceives, in yet another way, the one eminence of the 
'life of Abraham, and thereby recasts a main portion of this 
' history. Such old simple purity and holiness of life, as (Gen. 

* xvii.) is expected from Abraham, no longer satisfied his times, 
' which were further advanced in prophetic cultivation.' (P. 374. ) 
On the other hand, the history of the giants, (Gen, vi.) the 
description of Paradise, and of the first man (Gen. ii. 4 ; iv.), 
are 'originally foreign tales' (p. 137), and 'such tales as 
' those first imported by the fourth relater (Gen. ii. 5 ; iii. ; vi. 
'1 4; xi. 1 9) in their ultimate materials are, according to 
' manifold tokens, derived from foreign sources ;' ' the relation 
'(Gen. ii. 5; iii.) must even, in its ultimate foundation, have 
' travelled through many foreign nations before it received 
' its Mosaic colouring.' (P. 52.) 'In his time a strong stream 
' of foreign tales, of mythological contents, had come into 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 317 

* Judah through the freer and wider intercourse of the people 
'.since Solomon, which this relater took into the circle of the 
'older primeval histories, as they admitted of being recast 
' through the spirit of the Jahve-religion.' (P. 136.) 

Enough of this. Something must still be added of this 
primeval period, of which Chevalier Bunsen says, that he 
may ' pass over the chronological measurement altogether ;' but 
thinks that, 'with Abraham, historical personages take the 
' place of ancient heads of genealogies,' (p. 225) which, since 
Holy Scripture speaks in detail also of Adam, Abel, Enoch, 
Noah, what else it can mean than to deny their personal 
existence, I know not. 

Ewald, whom he so praises, speaks out here mostly with a 
fearful definiteness, so that some heads and specimens of 
unbelief may be given in brief space. 

The whole period before Abraham is denied to be historical ;' 
the account is said to be in some respects clearer, in others less 
so, than the Indian. 2 The account of the Patriarchs before the 
Flood are said to be contradictory; 3 their ages a symbolical 
calculation, not fact, (p. 325.) Enoch is compared to Janus, or 
the Indian Yanaeca ; and the 365 years of his life, said to be 
the days of the year, himself originally a demi-god, or even a god, 
though the Mosaic-coloured tale could only suppose him a man, 
(pp. 314, 326.) Lamech's wives, Adah and Zillah, two demi- 
goddesses, (p. 315;) Methuselah is Mars; Mahalaleel Apollo; 
' Jared the river-god, and so the Indian Varuna,' (p. 3 16.) ' The 
' history of Abel is one of the most beautiful, yet also the latest 
' recastings of the original myth, as, in the time of the fourth 
' relater, people had begun to look upon the seven forefathers 
' before the Flood, [in the line of Cain,] as mere evil beings, and 
' so especially on Cainan, or Cain, as the original type of a bad 
' man ; this done, (since evil ever calls out its opposite,) they must 
' needs set by the side of this patriarch, who as son of Adam was 
' also the original type of a bad son, a better brother, to whom 

1 ' Real individuals, who had lived in these two ages, the relater could visibly 
no longer name. When the idea of the four ages of the world became fixed, they 
were empty, and had no history of individuals. The gap was filled by the tale or 
mythos out of its own inexhaustible materials.' P. 309. 

3 ' In the Hebrew tale, the broken fragments of the original tale of the four ages 
of the world stand forth most clearly, and from them you may most readily infer 
its original form ;' yet, 'in the Indian relation, much maybe recognised even more 
clearly than in the old Hebrew,' (p. 306.) The origin of mankind is a ' country 
of mist.' P. 303. 

3 ' The Mosaic religion has unsparingly destroyed the olden religion, with all 
the tales which do not refer to the three patriarchs ; here, too, the twenty names ' 
(from Adam to Abraham) ' stand empty and lifeless, scarce of any is anything told 
which has more of colour; and it is a lucky accident that the fourth relater 
(Qen. iv.) has rescued some fuller, but varying tales out of the same ground, in a 
circle of seven forefathers.' P. 311. 



318 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

' Cain, as type of an evil brother, acted much as, according 
' to the same relater, the good little people of Israel was 

* bitterly persecuted by its elder-brother-people Edom, Moab, 
' and Ammon,' (p. 320.) The vengeance to be taken on any 
who slew Cain, (Gen. iv. 13 16,) is founded on the old popular 
poem, (Gen. iv, 24,) p. 315. The gradual declension of the 
life of man is a human view, resulting from human reflection; 
the division through the flood, a form which this view took 
among the Hebrews. 1 ' Noah, both in name and being, is 

* nothing but the conception of a- renewed, better world, con- 
' ceived as quite pure in its origin and conditions,' (p. 318.) 
The author of Gen. iv. meant by the seven descendants of Cain, 
the same as the second relater by the ten of Seth ; by the 
three sons of Lamech the same as the other by the three sons 
of Noah ; and, * as beginners of the now more refined age, they 
' are to express the three chief classes of which every civilized 
' people of this age consists,' (pp. 320 322.) ' The original 
' myth may with reason have placed the giants (Gen. vi.) in the 
' second or third age of the world,' (Gen. xi.) p. 324, note, [i.e. 
after the Flood, or in the tune of Abraham.] * Naaniah, 
' sister of Tubal-Cain, may, by side of the wild warrior, have 
' had the same position, as among the Greeks, Aphrodite as 
' the beloved of Mars,' (p. 322.) On the contrary, in the series 
after Noah, ' the five names no longer designate gods or heroes. 
' If we are here on surer ground it is that of countries :' Peleg, 
Reu, Serug, and Nahor, are ' four cities or empires, which the 

* Hebrews, as they passed southwards, formed successively, or 
' four very old princely residences, whence they may, in the 
' remotest aboriginal times, have ruled,' (pp. 316, 317.) 

I do not mean, either in what precedes or follows, to say that 
Chevalier Bunsen agrees in all detail with the sad books which 
he praises ; but I have put before you enough (and the same 
unbelief lies more or less in every page) to show (I grieve to 

1 ' Out of the attempt to survey the history of mankind, from the present up 
to the most distant times, arose easily the idea of four great ages of maukiud, 
outwardly extending itself more and more, and making progress in arts, inwardly 
wearing itself out more and more rapidly, in the last of which the present feels its 
life swiftly vanishing a view which pervades the antiquities of many civilized 
people, and may have come from older people to the Hebrews; only among these 
it at that time took the form, that the whole period since the patriarchs was 
conceived as the last age, that of the patriarchs as the last but one ; the whole of 
the immeasurable time previously, up to the origin of mankind, was divided by 
the great flood into two halves, the oldest and the second ages ; the life of man 
accordingly as continually decreasing in these spaces. Since, then, these four ages 
must be conceived of, as in such wise gradually advancing in the nianifoldness and 
development of life, that the last should be the most varied of all, there nxittffl, 
as minuter periods in the last but one and the beginning of the last, that of each 
of the patriarchs, of the residence in Egypt, of Mo?cs, and of Joshuah,' (pp. 94-5.) 
In a word, the whole history is framed on an artificial basis. 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 319 

say) how impossible it would be I say not for any orthodox 
Christian, but for any one who claims the name of Christian at 
all among us to have praised them as Chevalier Bunsen does. 
Not to limit this to this one work, I will add the praise which 
Chevalier Bunsen gives to another work of the same Ewald 

* on the Hebrew Prophets,' and then speak of its application to 
one instance the book of Daniel, and the prophecy of the 
seventy weeks. 

After ridiculing Baumgarten for attempting to account for 
the increase of the Israelites in 200 years, Chevalier Bunsen 
says, * Reverence for the Old Testament, without a critical eye, 

* or a philological conscience, furnishes no call to be an inter- 

* preter of the holy documents ; and we own that to us it is one 

* of the most mournful phenomena of the time, when we find 

* such things in a divine, evidently of earnest thought and learn- 
' ing. O that Ewald would turn his earnest and sifting eye to the 
' historical traditions as he has done to the prophets !' (Pp. 221, 
222.) 

In what way this ' sifting eye ' of Ewald is supposed to apply 
to the prophets, whether to the date of the several books or their 
contents, I know not. I know not (as I said) that either in the 
Prophets or the Psalms does he apply one passage to our Lord. 
Mostly he writes as if the New Testament had never existed, 
or if he refers to it, (as on Ps. xlv.) it is to say that * questions 

* as to the meaning of later readers do not affect the meaning of 

* the song.' Enough to say here that he comments on psalms and 
prophecies which most evidently are prophetic of our Lord, and 
of the deepest mysteries relating to Him, as if he were without 
a suspicion that they ever had or could be interpreted of Him. 
It will suffice to name Ps. ii. xvi. xxii. xl. xlv. Ixxii. ex. Is. vii. 
ix. liii. 

I will take, at length, one full instance only (in which, as before, 
he is on the same ground with Porphyry), because in it, as to both 
questions, (whatever Chevalier Bunsen may mean, whether the 
date or the contents of the book,) the unbelief of Ewald is trans- 
parent at once. He places then the book of Daniel at the date 
of Antiochus Epiphanes, and he interprets the prophecy of the 
seventy weeks, as though the writer of it, wishing to repair a 
mistake of Jeremiah, himself fell into another. 

* Assuredly,' he begins, * Jeremiah meant that after the seventy 
years' exile, the full deliverance by the Messiah would come. 
Yet now, after some seventy years, the Holy City had indeed 
been rebuilt, with the temple, but centuries had passed away 
since, and yet the Messianic times did not seem to come much 
nearer. How then the letter of those seventy years, of which 
the author read in a sort of Bible (v. 2), was to be reconciled 



320 Bumen on tJie Scripture Chronology. 

' with the truth of the Divine Spirit, an earnest observer of the 
' times of the Maccabees might well be in lively perplexity. The 

* author looked upon the letter of Jeremiah as something out- 
' wardly holy, and so could not come to so calm a solution as 

* 2 Pet. iii. 8 ; partly he earnestly longed for the near approach 

* of the kingdom of the Messiah, and so of the fulfilment of that 

* prophecy of Jeremiah for his own times : so then the seventy 

* years of Jeremiah are to remain, but to be measured by a new 

* measure as weeks of years ; since sabbath and week altogether 
' appear the holy and hidden measure to be applied to Divine 

* things. This is an intellectual leap, an interpretation springing 

* out of certain previous conditions which are assumed as holy 

* and essential, else not further capable of proof; the like whereof 
' the Jews often allow themselves in the Old Testament, hi 

* brief, it is what is later called " allegory," of which we have 
' here the earliest instance which can be historically proved.' 
(Pp. 568, 569.) 

' The space of 7x70 years he thus divides, (1) 7x7 years 

* from the revelation of that word of Jeremiah, that Jerusalem 
' should one day be gloriously restored by a certain prince ; he 

* is not named, but it is plainly Cyrus, the celebrated prince, 

* under whom Jerusalem was so rebuilt that Jeremiah's prophecy 

* seemed in him to be fulfilled, as indeed it is actually said to be 
' in 2 Chron. fin. However, our author, varying from him, having 

* once assumed a larger space, further distinguishes (2) 7x62 
' years to the violent death of a prince, without children of his own 

* or heirs, /. e. Seleucus IV. Philop. the predecessor of Antiochus 
4 Epiphanes, who, A.C. 176, was slain by Heliodorus, having no 

* children.' ' Here indeed the difficulty occurs, that from 

* A.C. 607 (as according to Jer. xxv. 1, the beginning of the 7 X 70 

* years), there elapsed to Cyrus more than 49 [/. <?. 70 years], 
' and from Cyrus to B.C. 176, fewer than 434 years [/. e. 360 
' only, fewer by 74 years); thus, too, the whole sum does not 

* perfectly agree [i.e. it has 60 years too few]. But if objections 

* of this sort are to have decisive weight, it must be first proved 

* that the author knew the history of those centuries so very 

* accurately that in dates he could not err, even in a lesser degree.' 
(Pp. 569, 570.) 

' In brief, the real present of the author was that fearfully 

* oppressive time in which the extremest offences and sufferings 
' so exceeded all measure, that the Messias, it seems, cannot long 
' linger. After the 7x70 years, the Messiah is really on his way ; 
' only a brief respite is still given, that his real adversary, Anti- 
' christ [i. e. Antiochus] should first stand forth quite openly, 
' and the decision of the contest come the sooner. It cannot 

* be said plainer than by these words of the author himself, that 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 32 1 

* the work was written 167-6 A.C. The destruction of Antiochus 
' Epiphanes is announced as something near and certain ; but in 

* all parts of this book, this destruction, contemporaneous with 
' which is the coming of the Messias, appears as a real future 

* and pure anticipation, even after the longest piece, when the 
' deeds of that tyrant, already past, are described quite accurately 
' (xi. 21 45). The reports which he received of insurrection in 
' the East (Parthia) and North (Armenia) were the last which 
' had at that time taken place ; whereas if Antiochus Epiphanes 
' had been already dead, and the very peculiar mode in which 
' he perished been already known, the time between the veiled 
' and the real future would have been fixed somewhere else, and 

* what is pure anticipation have been formed very differently. 

* And it may have contributed much to the early estimation of 

* this book, that the tyrant really, if not after this precise 

* number of days, (for this, as men then felt, mattered little, for 
' the author himself estimates them in one place somewhat 
' higher, in another somewhat lower,) still not long afterwards, 
f was overtaken by his punishment.' (P. 572.) 

Of a truth, smooth words are given us, if we will part with 
our treasure. Yet in these same smooth words it is said that 
in the book of one whom our Lord calls 'Daniel the prophet,' is 
contained, not a prophecy of that which He says is prophesied of 
in it, and which was far beyond human wisdom, but of an event 
near at hand ; that almost all which professes to be prophecy 
is the description of the past ; that prophecy does not relate to 
distinct events, but to indistinct anticipation (Almung); that 
one of the prophets (Jeremiah) who ' spake as he was moved by 
the Holy Ghost,' made a mistake in that whereof he prophesied, 
although the very centre of all prophecy, the coming of our 
Lord ; and another (Daniel), endeavouring to correct him, 
although right in one thing which he anticipated, himself fell 
into the same mistake, prophesying that Christ would come 
when He came not. It is the very wantonness of theory, that 
when one book of Holy Scriptures (2 Chron. fin.) says that the 
prophecy of Jeremiah was fulfilled in Cyrus, and Ewald admits 
that it * seemed ' to be so, and himself gives the number of years 
as the same which Jeremiah had foretold (607 536 = 71); yet 
he imagines a scheme whereby in Daniel this number should be 
corrected, and his own 7 x 7=49 substituted; and then, in excuse 
for the want of agreement, says that the chronology was not accu- 
rately known, and the sacred writers might be in error, when ho 
had himself shown that they knew it accurately, and that Jere- 
miah's words, which he explains as a mere indefinite number 
(ii. p. 132) were definitely, and to the year, fulfilled 

As I said, I do not mean to imply that Chevalier Bunseu 

NO. LIII. N.S. Y 



322 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

would adopt this or that detail of these works ; but he could not 
be ignorant of those details in the main, and he does give 
glowing praise to works whose first principle is infidel ; and the 
details so strangely fit in with his own, that but for the relative 
dates of the works, I should have thought his own views to have 
been fonned on Professor Ewald's. His statement as to the early 
history of Holy Scripture, in which he denies the existence of 
' historical personages ; ' his selection of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, 
and Joseph, in a later period, as such personages ; his denial of 
their relation to one another, or of any Divine meaning of 
Abraham's call to the promised land, and the virtual allegorizing 
of their history ; the cold way in which he says that they who 
have been counted forefathers or descendants of Abraham have 
been * proved to be names of districts,' are outlines which require 
to be filled up in much such way as they are in Ewald's ante- 
historical period of Jewish history. The history of the Bible 
they would so break in pieces, that there would ' not be found 
' in the bursting of it a sherd to take fire from the hearth, or to 
' take water withal from the pit ; ' not one fact for ' doctrine, for 
reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness;' but 
that by God's mercy, all such attempts themselves shiver. 

There is yet another principle of Chevalier Bunsen, which, as 
it, in fact, explicitly denies all historical inspiration, so also 
admits into the later history of the Bible the same scepticism 
which his work avowedly allows as to the earlier. 

* In order,' he says, * to make use of this freedom to any result, 
inquiry must, first and foremost, set itself against an unclear 
view as to the difference between tradition and inquiry. Tra- 
dition is information given by a witness, or at least by a well- 
instructed contemporary, to a fact ; inquiry is that of a learned 
person who examines testimonies as to the past. The most 
enlightened inquiry can, as far as facts are imparted, not go 
beyond that which has been handed down; no one can bear 
witness to that which he has not seen, or what has not been in hit 
own times: (P. 206.) 

' No one! 'says Chevalier Bunsen, speaking directly of the 
sacred writers. If so, none of the historical books of the Old Testa- 
ment which were not written by contemporaries, * can, as far as 
' facts are imparted, go beyond that which has been handed down.' 
This principle, in all its strictness, Chevalier Bunsen maintains, 
and applies it to the Pentateuch. Moses is to him an his- 
torical ' inquirer ' as to the past. He ridicules the idea of an 
inspired knowledge of the date of this world's history. * That 
* it should have lain in the plan of the Divine Providence, to 
' preserve to us, through actual tradition, the chronology of the 



Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 323 

* Jewish people and its forefathers, or to endow with magic 
' powers, subsequent inquirers as to this most outward point of 
' outward history, may seem to one necessary, to another 
' absurd ; historical investigation has nothing to do with such 
' idle, impertinent, and often lying presumptions ; it has to see 
' whether anything was transmitted, and what.' (P. 206.) 

Now, these ' subsequent inquirers ' are Moses and such as 
Moses, whenever writing of times anterior to their own. This 
distinction he makes at the very outset of this discussion. 
( If we carry back the beginnings of the historical inquiry 1 of 
'the- Jews as to the past, and their tradition* as to the present, 
(these are the two words defined in the passage just quoted) 
' which have been preserved to us, to Moses and his time and 
' to this the criticism of the Old Testament will assuredly come 
' back, this second source of Egyptian Chronology begins to flow 

* contemporaneously with the oldest written document of his- 
' torical inquiry among the Egyptians,' (p, 201). Moses is thus 
far at least, a mere human inquirer, not ' endowed with magic 
powers,' (Chevalier Bunsen's term for inspiration as to facts,) 
and accordingly liable to errors, not in dates only, but in plain 
matters of fact, as the birth of Isaac from Abraham, &c. Moses 
is but an * inquirer,' just as the Egyptian with whose { inquiry' 
his is compared, only that Chevalier B. judges the results of the 
contemporaneous Egyptian inquiry the more authentic. Such 
inquirers, according to Ewald, were the writers of the later his- 
torical books, and the history of David during the persecution 
by Saul is to him a popular tale, (e.g. p. 18) just as much as 
the history of Abraham. Quite consistently ; I only name it to 
illustrate the extent of this scepticism. And of the truth of 
this his view, i. e. of the historical inaccuracy of Holy Scripture, 
Chevalier Bunsen is so convinced that he gives hard names to 
the contrary, as ' dishonesty or indolence' (p. 207); he desig- 
nates as * a Jewish rationalism' that ' adherence to preconceived 

* notions, which holds fast to the letter, as heathen rationalism 

* despises it.' He says that ' not in theology alone has Jewish 
' rationalism, up to our own days, done just as much harm as the 
' heathen? (p. 205) /. e. the total denial of the truth of Holy Scrip- 
ture and of Almighty God is no greater evil than what he calls 
an undue adherence to the letter of Holy Scripture. 3 

1 Forschung. 2 Ueberlieferung. 

3 This sentiment is more fully expressed in those other fearful words : ' If an 
angel from heaven should manifest to me that by introducing, or asserting, or 
favouring only the introduction of such an Episcopacy, [one which is held as an 
essential] I should . . . combat successfully the unbelief, pantheism, atheism of the 
day, I should not do it, so help me God, Amen.' If by these words he simply 
meant that he could be no agent in introducing what he did not believe, of course 
he could not ; there needs no declamation to say, ' I dare not lend myself to what 



324 Bunsen on the Scripture Chronology. 

Yet Chevalier Bunsen would retain what on his principles he 
can. ' The safest way,' he says, ' is, convinced of the historical 

* character of the kernel and centre of revelation, to be disposed 
' to presume all the facts of the outward history of the Jewish 
' people connected with it, to be in the main historically true t until 
' it has convinced itself of the contrary.' 'But,' he adds, 'hls- 

* torical science can and will not allow itself to be deprived of, 

* or disturbed in, its inquiry as to this.' Nay, he makes indif- 
ference as to the result, however it may involve what he calls 
'the outward side of history,' a mark of 'a strong and pure 
faith.' ' The stronger and purer the faith is, the more unpre- 
' judiced and free are its bearings to the question (as, from her 
' point of view, of the utmost indifference), as to the outward 
' shell of the Divine kernel, which is just the outward side 
' of history, and its outward fulness, and chronological defi- 
' niteness. 1 

From such ' strong and pure faith' of Chevalier Bunsen, may 
God in His mercy defend us. It has beeu a lesson which, I 
trust, will be long remembered among us, how a friend of 
theological friends of Chevalier Bunsen sunk down, step by 
step, unwillingly, from one stage of misbelief to another, after 
he had, under the name of Athanasianism, parted with the 
Catholic doctrine of the Trinity. Yet he, who died a Pantheist, 
thought at least, at an earlier stage, that he was holding ' the 
inner truth of revelation,' while he set himself loose from its 
outward form. So did Semler, after a life of scepticism out- 
wardly increasing, shrink back, as a rest from himself, into this 
' inward truth.' This same ' inward truth, or kernel,' Ewald, 
too, maintains that he holds, while denying, in any real sense, 
any revelation or prophecy in the Old Testament. Rather, one 
would say, 'May God in His mercy enlighten the mind of 
' Chevalier Bunsen, that he follow not out his own principles, 
' nor lead on others ;' since far lesser beginnings than these have 
ended in total misbelief. 

Yours faithfully, 

E. B. P. 

seems to me a lie, promise it what good it may.' It is not on such ground, but 
that he regards it so great an evil in itself, that he says, ' I should consider it as a 
parricidal act, (besides its being godless in my mind at all events,) if I did not vow 
to devote all the energies of my mind, insignificant as they are, and the last drop 
of my blood, to protest against such an Episcopate in the Church of that nation to 
which it is my privilege to belong.' (Letter to Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone in his 
' Kirche der Zukunft,' p. 409.) ' Unbelief, pantheism, atheism ' in Germany are 
at least not the produce of this Episcopacy. Again, what idea can a person have of 
the dreadfulness of atheism who thus writes ] 



THE 

CHRISTIAN REMEMBRANCER. 

OCTOBER, 1846. 



ART. I. 1. The Influence of Christianity in promoting the Abolition 
of Slavery in Europe. A Dissertation which obtained the Hulsean 
Prize for the Year 1845. By CHURCHILL BABINGTON, B.A. 
Scholar of St. Johns College. Cambridge : Deightons. 

2. Remarks on the Slavery and the Slave Trade of the Brazils. 
By T. NELSON, K.N. late Senior Assistant Surgeon of H.M.S. 
Crescent, at Rio de Janeiro. London: Hatchards. 

3. Excursion through the Slave States of South America. By 
G.W. FEATHERSTONHAUGH. 2 vols. 8vo. London: Murray. 

WE are not purposing, at this day, to enter into an argument 
to prove the iniquity of the African Slave Trade, or to recite 
any of its horrible details for the purpose of rousing our readers' 
feelings against it. It is a question on which we believe there 
is but one feeling throughout not only this country, but the 
whole of civilized Europe. In reprobating its detestable cruel- 
ties, exaggeration is impossible ; and language which on almost 
any other subject would be felt to be heated and extravagant, 
on this fails of giving just expression to the indignation which 
human nature for Christianity may be put aside for the 
moment feels, at seeing itself so outraged: at seeing one 
human being inflict, and another suffer, such atrocities. It is 
impossible to acquit Mr. Wilberforce's speeches on the subject, 
either at public meetings or in the House of Commons, of some 
degree of violence ; but it is violence which here, if anywhere, 
is rightly placed ; and to a reader it is no more than the cordial 
required by his spirit, as it were, fainting at the spectacle of 
so much misery and crime. 

Thirty years ago, indeed, an Englishman's mind had almost 
become callous from the continual repetition, in print, of such 
exhibitions ; it was so impossible to take up a book, pamphlet, 
review, magazine, or newspaper, which did not open at some 
horrible tale of African suffering, that the natural impression 
was lost. The question of the slave trade had shared the fate 
of every question which is made the subject of public dispute, 

NO. LIV. N. S. Z 



326 Slave-grown Sugar. 

and is attempted to be carried by public agitation. It is pecu- 
liarly unfortunate and distressing to the feelings of the good, 
where such a question happens like that of Irish distress, or 
the workhouse system to involve the sufferings of thousands. 
In the course of that long public struggle which was crowned by 
the Emancipation Act of 1833, it will not be denied that the 
conduct of the Abolitionists was far from perfect, often far from 
wise : they had all the faults of agitators. Injurious language, 
libellous personal attacks, inflammatory speeches, and all the 
unworthy machinery of religious quackery, contributed to carry 
a series of measures of relief and emancipation, which were so 
clearly right, that they ought to have stood in no need of such 
auxiliaries. Yet, unhappily, such were the hasty, crude, and 
intemperate projects of the Abolitionists, that themselves justify 
some of the opposition which their noisy and ill-informed zeal 
excited. The Sunday-school and old-maid portion of the 
agitation was justly open to ridicule ; and we cannot suppress a 
smile when we, find the venerable leader himself, in introducing 
the since better known T. B. Macaulay on the scene of an anti- 
slavery meeting, finding ' a clear proof of the interposition of 
Heaven in favour of the cause, in providing such an advocate for 
its support.' By a subtle and circuitous process of imagination, 
ridicule fastens itself upon almost all human characters and 
actions, which are for any length of time the object of contem- 
plation. Blanco White tells us that the idea of a nun and of a 
nunnery carried with it something of the ridiculous in his time, 
and in the circle in which he lived, in Spain ; and so the suffer- 
ings of the negro became the subject of many a joke in the John 
Bull, and papers of a similar character. But all the accidental 
features of the struggle have died from memory ; all that was 
ridiculous, mismanaged, and imprudent in the means employed, 
may safely and justly be now forgotten, now that their just end 
is obtained; and gratitude and admiration may well be the only 
feelings entertained towards those brave and worthy men who 
devoted their whole lives, time, fortunes, and character, to the 
attainment of this end. 

We would rather not, we repeat, open out the private history 
of Abolition. But there are occasions when we are almost 
compelled to do so, when we are challenged to the inquiry, much 
against our will, by the continued repetition of a strain of self- 
congratulation on the virtue, benevolence, and philanthropy of 
the British public, shown in their abolition of slavery. When 
this is no more than the rant of Exeter Hall, it would not 
deserve serious notice ; but it is a text too often adopted without 
reflection by men who are ordinarily in the habit of thinking of 
what they are saying, and of attaching some meaning to the 
words they use. Let any man who is capable of forming an 



Slave-grown Sugar. 327 

impartial judgment, go over the history of the connexion of this 
country with the slave trade, from the time that Las Casas first 
proposed to substitute the Negro race for the sake of saving 
that of the native Indian, down to the 1st August, 1834, 
itself, and so far from feeling anything to be proud of anything 
on which to hold ourselves out, as is so often done, as a pattern 
to the other nations, the only sentiment of real patriotism must 
be one of shame and sorrow on such a retrospect of the past. It 
is, indeed, easy to talk, and to make a favourite topic of such 
pharisaical declamation, of the noble sacrifices, the magnificent 
compensation of twenty millions made by the country for the 
attainment of its object, and the energetic efforts she still con- 
tinues to use to check the evil in other nations less humane than 
herself. But what are the facts of the case ? Such was our 
original and long-continued share in this traffic, that all we have 
hitherto done, and continued to do, to effect its discontinuance, 
would be little to remove the indelible stain of the past. 

The African slave trade dates almost as far back as the first 
settlement of the West Indies. Bartholomew Las Casas, a 
Dominican, and afterwards Bishop of Chiapa, in Mexico, had 
spent the greater part of his life in St. Domingo, as a missionary 
among the Indians. Struck with horror and pity at the un- 
availing sufferings which were inflicted by the whites on this 
helpless race, he formed the idea of transporting from the Por- 
tuguese settlements large numbers of Africans, whose hardy 
nature and powers of endurance rendered them capable of toil 
which the feeble and listless Indian races could not support. 
It is probable that he did not contemplate any forcible or 
piratical seizure of the persons of the Africans, but imagined 
that their transportation (a few had been carried over by the 
Portuguese as early as 1503) was with their own consent ; and 
also that he was in expectation of a code of laws being promul- 
gated in favour both of Africans and natives in the Spanish 
settlements, and he flattered himself that being about to return 
and live in the country of their slavery, he could look to the 
execution of it. The proposition, however unfortunate, thus 
originated in motives of humanity; it was an attempt to 
remedy a present and pressing evil by the introduction of 
another, which seemed at the time to involve less misery and 
suffering. Cardinal Ximenes, however, the Regent of Spain at 
the time, to whom the proposition was made, with a foresight 
and justice that might be expected from that great man, abso- 
lutely rejected it. But the experiment once begun to be made, 
was found to succeed so well for the purposes of the settlers, 
that a regular piratical trade was soon established. And now 
began the share of England in the business. Before we had a 
colony of our own, and long without any views for our own 

z 2 



328 Slave-grown Sugar. 

settlements after we had made them, we undertook the carrying 
trade in slaves for the Spanish colonies. The first importation 
of slaves by English ships was in the reign of Elizabeth, in 1562, 
by a Captain Hawkins, who was afterwards knighted by her. 
The trade was encouraged by statute and proclamation through 
the successive reigns of Charles I., II., and James II. The 
acquisition of Jamaica under Cromwell, who introduced the 
practice of selling his political captives, English and Scotch, but 
chiefly Irish Royalists, as slaves to the plantations, gave it a 
fresh stimulus. But it was William III. who outdid them all. 
With Lord Soniers for his minister, he declared the slave trade 
to be ' highly beneficial to the nation ;' and that this was not 
meant merely as beneficial to the nation through the medium of 
the colonial prosperity, is demonstrated by the Assiento Treaty 
in 1713, with which the colonies had nothing to do, and in 
which Great Britain binds herself to supply 144,000 slaves, at 
the rate of 4,800 per annum, to the Spanish colonies. From 
that time till within a few years of (he present time, our history 
is full of the various measures and grants which passed for the 
encouragement and protection of the trade. In 1760, South 
Carolina (then a British colony) passed an Act to prohibit 
further importation. Great Britain rejected this Act with 
indignation, and declared that the slave trade was beneficial and 
necessary to the mother country. The colonial assembly of 
Jamaica made more than one attempt, towards the close of the 
last century, to prohibit it, but the British government resisted 
the restriction. Bristol and Liverpool, the foundation of the pro- 
sperity of both of which towns may be said to have been laid in the 
slave trade, petitioned in favour of it. The matter was referred 
to the Board of Trade, and the Earl of Dartmouth, then Presi- 
dent of the Board (in 1774), answered by the following declara- 
tion, ' We cannot allow the colonies to check or discourage, in 
any degree, a traffic so beneficial to the nation.' Still less can 
we lay claim to a national character for humanity, from a con- 
sideration of the progress of the Abolition struggle. The 
energy and motion of the struggle came from a few high-minded 
and generous men, who, after a long and indefatigable warfare, 
succeeding in conquering public sentiment, and through it the 
government. The history of the Abolition cause is the history 
of an ably conducted agitation, and those who wish to learn the 
secret machinery by which any point whatever, which is suf- 
ficiently in harmony with the spirit of the age, may be carried 
in constitutional states, could not study a better or more perfect 
instance. But, would it be a just inference from this success 
that the nation had made an advance thereby in the virtues of 
charity and humanity? and that the public which demanded 
and obtained, in 1834, the emancipation of the Negro, is a more 



Mate-grown Sugar. 329 

humane and enlightened public than that which, in 1774, peti- 
tioned in favour of slavery ? When the inhabitants of Liverpool 
signed this petition, they had before their eyes, not the suffer- 
ings of the Negro between the tropics, but the opulence, splen- 
dour, and grandeur, produced on the banks of the Mersey ; just 
as when we dwell with admiration on the splendid career of 
Napoleon, we do not admit into our minds the thought that this 
career cost the lives of three millions of men. 

But the magnificence of the sum which the country was willing 
to pay for the attainment of its philanthropic design seems a 
sufficient proof in itself of its sincerity and real heartiness in the 
principle of liberty, and has dazzled the eyes of foreign nations, 
not more by its evidence of our wealth, than of our magnanimity. 
Great Britain,' says Dr. Channing, ' loaded with an unprece- 
dented debt, and with a grinding taxation, contracted a new 
debt of a hundred million dollars, to give freedom, not to 
Englishmen, but to the degraded African ! I know not that 
history records an act so disinterested, so sublime. In the 
progress of ages England's naval triumphs will shrink into more 
and more narrow space in the records of our race. This moral 
triumph will fill a broader, brighter page.' Without any 
intention of extenuating the real merit of our sacrifice, we may, 
and with no affectation of modesty, decline this highly scented 
incense of flattery offered to Great Britain from a quarter so 
unusual. The present in itself is of dazzling splendour ; but as 
regards the giver, it costs little when it can be paid by a bill 
drawn on posterity ; and as regards the receivers, besides that it 
did not, in point of fact, compensate the planters for the losses of 
one season, it should be remembered that it was but a return of 
a trifling portion of that wealth which for years we had been 
drawing into our exchequer at the expense of these very planters 
themselves. It is a delicate task in dissecting the acts of indi- 
viduals to be just in ascribing motives ; it is still more difficult 
in considering national acts to decide how much is owing to the 
prevalence of a really humane and generous sentiment in the 
people, and how much to fashion, to imitation, to the catching 
nature of a popular cry, when once the small party in whom the 
sentiment is genuine, have succeeded in raising it. And in the 
instance under discussion, it must be remembered that if 
Abolition was a British act, the opposition to Abolition, with 
all the hardness, cruelty, and base self-interest displayed through 
the protracted struggle, were equally of British growth, and 
met with countenance, encouragement, and eloquent support 
from men then and since high in public estimation, and not 
thought the worse of for the part they took on that question. 
Let all due allowances then be made, and the Abolition may be 
still justly set down among the great ancl good deeds of Pro- 



330 Slave-grotcn Sugar. 

testant England ; but always remembering that it is at best but 
a poor atonement for the past; that it was, after all, but a 
tardy and reluctant assent to an act of bare justice, a putting an 
end to an evil of which we had ourselves been among the creators 
and most active maintainers, let us have the good taste not to 
be perpetually quoting it as an instance of generosity, or 
habitually assuming that on the continent of Europe, or in 
America, the understandings and feelings of society are com- 
paratively insensible to the principles of justice and freedom. 

But while we are thus sounding the note of triumph for what 
we have achieved, and while the victors are contending for the 
spolia opima of the fallen enemy, and the country is called in to 
arbitrate between the contending claims of Clarkson and Wil- 
berforce, let us stop for a moment to ask ourselves what it is 
that we have accomplished, where are the fruits, the evidence 
and token of our victory ? We have been reposing ourselves in 
the confident satisfaction of having finally overcome our great 
enemy; the Emancipation Act, carried by such great and un- 
remitting exertions, seemed to be acquittance in full of all our 
obligations ; and though every infringement upon the measure 
has been jealously watched, and its gradual march quickened by 
our impatience; yet as far as general public attention is con- 
cerned, that may be said to have been entirely diverted from 
this to other topics, chiefly those of more domestic interest. 
For ten or fifteen years the words ' Negro ' and ' abolition' 
have hardly been heard within the walls of Parliament, or 
attracted notice out of it ; pictures of the fettered African 
kneeling to Britannia have had time to disappear from the 
cottages ; and all this, not because the business was forgotten, 
or laid aside through weariness, but because it had been satis- 
factorily settled, as was supposed, and the public mind was at 
ease on the subject. Great then was our surprise when we 
found, on a sudden, the question of slavery once more on the 
carpet, being discussed in Parliament and the newspapers as 
though it was quite fresh, and had never been settled at all, and 
even beginning again to be the ordinary appendage to the tea- 
equipage in such domestic circles as pride themselves upon 
tolerably au courant of the affairs of the day. It was amusing 
indeed to trace in the progress of the sugar question in the 
House of Commons, how, as they found themselves slowly but 
inevitably approaching the fatal shoal of the slavery question, 
the several speakers tacked and manoeuvred in ineffectual efforts 
to keep clear of it. They had rather not on the present occa- 
sion touch on the moral points involved in the subject ; this 
question was to be settled on economical grounds alone ; they 
were met to debate measures of finance alone, and therefore 
ought not to mix up the totally different subject of the social 



Slave-grown Sugar. 331 

condition of the Negro. However, notwithstanding all these 
polite evasions,] the question was inexorable as fate, it would 
take no excuses, and it is quite evident that the slave-trade is 
the cardinal point of the whole sugar duties debate. Colonial 
protection and the maintenance of the revenue might be the 
topics that occupied the largest space in the speeches of honour- 
able members, but what they felt most was simply the inter- 
ference with the established Anti-slavery system. Here was 
the real point of difficulty, though so carefully kept in back- 
ground; and it is, perhaps, to this policy (a not uncommon one) 
of getting over it by never mentioning it, by affecting to forget 
its existence, that we are to ascribe the fact that we have seen 
no even tolerable attempt to vindicate the sugar measure of the 
new ministry on this its weakest side. It was proved over and 
over again with respect to the Colonies, first, that they did not 
want protection ; secondly, that they wanted it, but had no 
right to it; and lastly, that they had a right to it, but that this 
bill would give them all that they wanted or could claim : and 
with respect to the revenue, it was shown that no other adjust- 
ment of the duties could be hit upon which would so well 
reconcile the claims of the consumer, and of the exchequer; 
which would give 'cheap sugar,' while it incurred no diminution 
of the customs. But with respect to the question, Does not 
your measure tend to give a direct stimulus to the slave-trade, 
and to compromise that now established policy of the country 
which has been directed to its suppression? to this question 
we listened anxiously for some satisfactory answer, but none 
ever came. Hints were thrown out, and palliatives suggested, 
but no fair, direct, explicit meeting of the difficulty by any of 
the advocates of the measure has yet met our eye. We do not 
mean to say that it cannot be met, that the Government 
measure is on this ground unjustifiable ; we think, if it had been 
intended to meet it, if the whole question had had a fair field 
and ample examination, if it had been the beginning instead of 
the end of a session ; if this had been the chief measure of the 
year, instead of an appendix to the one great measure which 
had exhausted all men's attention and energies ; if a full and 
free discussion had been brought to bear on the slavery part of 
the question, that much would have been elicited, and that 
some further additions might have been made to the provisions 
of the bill, which would have mitigated the hardihood with which 
it at present seems to have committed the country to that iniqui- 
tous trade, which it has been our boast that we had wholly 
repudiated all participation in. But though a measure involving 
the forfeiture of this principle has been got through Parliament 
by the scheme of ignoring the main objection, a scheme favoured 
by the haunting recollections which many members must retain 



332 Slate-groicn Sugar. 

of the Abolition debates of old, and their shrinking fear of 
reviving them ; yet it is quite obvious that matters cannot rest 
as they are. The bill, if it stands, cannot stand alone ; when 
public attention has had sufficient leisure to consider the subject, 
and the Times has had time to change its mind twice on it, and 
finally to decide on writing the Slave Trade down, there will 
be a clamour, and the measure must either be recalled, or, which 
is far more likely, it must be carried out, and the wedge once 
introduced, our whole anti-slavery policy in our dealings with 
foreign states must be given up. 

But before we speculate on the future, let us briefly review 
the past, and consider wherein lay that force of circumstances 
which has been supposed to necessitate the introduction of slave- 
grown sugar. We shall dwell lightly on the merely commercial 
part of the subject, and, reversing the order observed in Parlia- 
ment, invite our readers' attention to the moral and political 
question involved. And let not any of our readers turn away 
from the subject from the notion that it is so difficult and complex 
that it requires a special study, and almost a commercial educa- 
tion to understand it. This indeed is a notion which might, but 
without reason, be formed from following the daily discussions 
on the sugar-duties, whether in or out of Parliament. So con- 
flicting and contradictory are the principles assumed, and the 
statements of fact made ; every calculation drawn out by one 
party is met by a wholly different array of figures on the other 
side ; every instance quoted is confronted by some counter- 
instance, and to such an extent has Parliament, to use an 
expression of Mr. Gladstone's, been flooded with worthless 
rumours, that the looker-on on the irreconcilable discord may 
well be excused for turning away, hopeless of ever ascertaining 
anything like the merits of the case. But in this, as in most 
other similarly circumstanced questions which party strife or 
sophistical controversy has enveloped in a mist of contradictions, 
there will be found by unprejudiced inquirers a basis of truth, 
sufficiently authentic at bottom to repay and to satisfy a patient 
attention to proved facts. Only let the rule of such an inquirer 
be modesty and sobriety; starting without any self-interest, with- 
out engaging himself beforehand on either side, let him not be 
ambitious of deciding positively on every collateral topic that may 
embarrass the main-springs of the subject ; let him not think it 
necessary to refute or accept every argument, or to be able to 
explain every anomaly. Because we are justly offended by t he osten- 
tatious vanity by which that not uncommon character, the man 
who ' knows every thing,' pronounces off-hand a fluent opinion on 
every possible subject, we are not, therefore, to relapse into that 
gentlemanly indifference, the cover of an indolent mind, which 
leaves all special subjects to professional people, on the plea that 



Slave-grown Sugar. 333 

those who ought to know best, seem to differ so among themselves, 
that it must be impossible for the ordinary reader to arrive at 
any conclusion. But this is exactly the position which the 
sceptic assumes towards the universal questions of religion and 
morals, and may be met therefore, mutatis mutandis, with the 
same answer. We will only observe at present, that the plea 
may be in some measure true; that the acquisition of just 
knowledge on politics and economy is not incumbent on men in 
general, even on educated men. A man may acquit himself 
honourably in all the duties of his station, without 'troubling his 
head,' as the phrase is, with statistics and political economy. 
But then let him be consistent. Let him, if on this ground he 
claims at all, abstain altogether. Let him not shun only that 
much which calls for exertion and exercise of judgment, while 
he indulges himself in an adoption and expression of positive 
opinion. Let him give up his newspaper and review, and keep 
away from elections and public meetings, if he does not intend 
to qualify himself for reading and hearing properly. Men in 
general will not do this. When they come to perceive fairly 
the difficulties of a new subject, instead of adopting one of the 
two alternatives which are equally open to them, of either taking 
sufficient pains to master the various branches of it, or of 
abandoning the field entirely, they take the middle course, of 
taking up an opinion ready made, and endeavouring to make it 
their own by mere adhesion. The true evil of the abundant 
diffusion of miscellaneous reading within every one's reach is, 
not that it is used and enjoyed, but that it is swallowed by those 
who have not learned to use it. It is not true that cheap 
literature is an evil, nor yet that it is a benefit, alone and by 
itself. The use of those collections of facts and arguments 
called books, is an art, and like all other arts must be taught, 
and this teaching is education. A literature for the people, 
without an education for the people, is an evil. But speaking 
at present only of the classes who receive more or less education 
of some kind : little or no attention is paid to qualify them for 
making a right use of the knowledge which is to be afterwards 
put into their hands. The most that is generally done is to give 
them a taste for information. That most important part of 
education which labours at such moral discipline of the intellect 
as shall qualify it for the conscious and conscientious forming of 
opinion, is almost entirely neglected. It is forgotten that 
knowledge, of every kind, involves a moral obligation. We 
may let it alone altogether, we may refuse to enlarge our 
knowledge in any direction, and be blameless. But we cannot 
indulge ourselves in the luxury of reading at all, without in- 
curring corresponding duties. The exercise of the understanding 
in common with every other portion of our nature, is subject to 



334 Slave-grown Sugar. 

a moral law. Indeed this is so indisputable, that we should not 
have thought it necessaiy to dwell upon it, but that we see it 
every day so left out of sight in the practical adoption of 
opinions. It is not in theology alone that the duty of private 
judgment is forgotten, while the right is actively assumed. 

We have been led into these remarks by the observation, that 
the sugar question, while one of universal interest, belongs to a 
class of subjects which, above all others, has been prolific of 
contradictory allegation. And we propose to justify part of 
what we have above said, by laying before our readers a plain 
statement of the case and its principal difficulties, not one, 
indeed, sufficient to enable them to adopt at once a definite view 
on all those difficulties, or even on the main issue itself; but such 
a statement as may assist them towards a solution of the poli- 
tical dilemma in which this country has found herself placed, in 
the present year, the era, when the advancing wave of her free 
trade policy has encountered the receding wave of her anti- 
slavery policy. 

The native country of the sugar-cane, like that of another 
important plant, tobacco, is uncertain. There is no mention of 
it by Greek and Roman writers ; the saccharum of Pliny and 
others being, probably, the crystallized juice of the bamboo. It 
appears to have first become known to Europeans during the 
crusades. It was grown in abundance in the plains of Tripoli ; 
and on one occasion, an army of crusaders, engaged in the siege 
of Albarea Marea, owed to it their preservation from famine, in a 
way that will remind the classical reader of the support of Agri- 
cola's army on the Scotch moors by the legumen of the Latki/rus 
Syhestris. And this was not an accidental growth, but cultivation 
for purposes of commerce. Jacobus de Vitriaco gives an account of 
the process by which it was manufactured ; and other crusading 
authors mention the capture of caravans of camels laden with 
sugar, and a regular export trade, which was maintained from 
the neighbourhood of Tyre. Remains also of refining furnaces 
have been found in Sicily and in Egypt. It was very early 
carried into the New World by the Portuguese ; and from Brazil 
it is supposed to have found its way to St. Domingo, and the 
other West Indian islands. It is now cultivated, more or less, in 
all the countries within the tropics ; being, perhaps, of all vege- 
table productions that which best adapts itself to all the different 
qualities of soil. 

It is, at the same time, one of the most advantageous in an 
economical point of view. Every portion of the plant is avail- 
able for some useful purpose. While the juice furnishes molasses, 
treacle, sugar and rum, a kind of wine and vinegar, the green 
leaves serve for food for the mules and cattle, or to thatch the 
cottages of'the negroes, while the dried leaves are gathered into 



Slave-grown Sugar. 335 

bundles for the fires of the furnaces. There are several varieties 
of the plant ; but the two most commonly cultivated are those 
called the Creole cane, and the Taiti, or Bourbon cane. It is 
the latter that is almost exclusively in use in Jamaica, whither 
it was brought by Captain Bligh, in 1789. ! 

The civilization of modern times is distinguished from that 
of Greece and Rome by great differences of institutions, religion, 
climate, &c. But among the secondary causes which influence 
the character of a nation and an age, the nature of the ordinary 
food of the animal man ought never to be omitted. Some 
results on the habits of society from the gradual substitution of 
tea and coffee for more stimulating drinks among all classes, and 
more so, perhaps, among the working classes than any other, a 
substitution, which has, in great measure, effected itself within the 
memory of the living generation, are obvious to all. Not adapted, 
like fermented liquors, to give a violent stimulus to the whole 
animal powers, nor forming, like gruel, or preparations of milk, a 
nutritious food in the shape of liquid, the infusions of tea and 
coffee operate gently on the nervous system, and through it, on 
the mental faculties, and would seem directly adapted to stimulate 
that healthful exercise of the mental in preponderance over the 
physical powers, which is the chief condition of our civilized life. 
But what we wish to remark at present is, that the adoption of 
these beverages never could have become so general, but for the 
simultaneous introduction of manufactured sugar. There has 
happened in this matter something similar to what has been 
observed of the invention of printing. It has been often asked 
with surprise, how an art so simple, in its principle at least, 
as that of printing, should have remained so long undiscovered. 
The answer is, that the sudden appearance in the world of the 
press, with all its train of wondrous results, was the effect, not of 
one discovery, but of the coincidence of two. Without an 
abundant supply of paper, the use of moveable types could never 
have been practised to any great extent ; and without the 
application of the moveable types, the discovery of the process 
of making paper from linen rags would have remained un- 
productive. So it is with the infusions of tea and coffee ; it 
is the use of manufactured sugar with them that has produced 
the all-popular beverage ; while on the other hand, but for the 
simultaneous introduction of the tea-leaf and the coffee-berry, 
the consumption of sugar would have been limited to that 

1 A very complete account of the culture of the plant, and the manufacture of 
sugar, may be found in Tussac, Flore dcs Antilles, 3 vols. fol. ; Paris, 1808, one 
of those magnificent works of science Avhich owe their existence to the patronage 
of Napoleon. A more recent and accessible book is Mr. G. R. Porter, ' On the 
Nature and Properties of the Sugar Cane.' 2d edit. 1844. 



336 Slave-grown Sugar. 

trifling proportion which goes to the preparation of preserved 
fruits and other condiments. Of the extent of the consumption 
of this article, some idea may be formed when it is stated that 
above twelve millions sterling are annually expended by the 
British people in the purchase of sugar. And this, too, under 
the disadvantage of a high price and an exorbitant duty. 
Under all these obstacles, the use of sugar has gradually been 
extending and increasing itself; and were there no customs, 
and no restrictions on trade, the further increase of consumption 
would be almost unlimited. Yet, notwithstanding this natural 
tendency of a luxury, once tasted, to diffuse itself more and more 
widely through the community, such has been the effect of our 
legislation, that for some thirty years past this natural growth 
of the trade has been artificially checked and diminished. 

For a long period our West Indian colonies had enjoyed a 
monopoly of supplying the mother country with sugar. That is, 
a duty so high as to be completely exclusive, was imposed on all 
foreign sugar without distinction. This system was continued 
without much complaint being heard, so long as these colonies 
continued to import a quantity equal to the demand. For 
a long period they not only did this, but bringing their whole 
produce of sugar to this country, sold all of it they could sell, 
at the high price to which the absence of competition raised it, 
and re-exported a surplus to the continent to sell at whatever 
price they could there procure. But the supply they furnished 
began gradually to fall off, while the population of the consum- 
ing country was rapidly increasing. This diminution in the 
supply was not owing to Emancipation, for it had commenced 
before Emancipation was thought of, but it has been very 
greatly aggravated by that measure. For example, the whole 
importation of sugar from the West Indies into the United 
Kingdom in 1831 was 4, 103,850 cwts., and only 2,508,910cwts. 
in 1842. If to this decrease in the supply be added the increase 
in the population, and the average of consumption per head be 
taken, it is found to be scarcely more than half what it was forty 
years ago. This pressure, then, for under such circumstances the 
price was of course continually rising, obliged the legislature to give 
several successive measures of relief from the restrictions itself 
had created. And first, while the duty on West Indian sugar 
has been gradually lowered, the sugar of the East Indies was 
admitted on equal terms with that of the West, after a long and 
obstinate opposition to a measure apparently so equitable. But the 
East Indies can never successfully compete with the West, owing 
to the heavy cost of carriage and freight, and a certain degree of 
inferiority in their quality. Next, sugar of foreign growth was ad- 
mitted from all countries in which free, and not slave-labour was 



Slave-grown Sugar. 337 

employed, including Java, where, though there is no slavery, 
yet the obligation to cultivate makes the application of the term 
free-labour somewhat dubious. But all these relaxations, anda still 
further reduction of the duty on colonial sugar, did little to pal- 
liate the evil of a deficient supply, and a consequent high price. 
Add to this, the gradual advance of the doctrine of free trade, 
its successful application to so many other branches of commerce, 
and the signal victory gained by it in the beginning of the late 
Session, and it is easy to see, that a monopoly so injurious to 
both the consumer and the revenue, as that of sugar, must have 
come to be felt more and more galling, and more and more in- 
consistent with the system which was being adopted throughout 
in our commercial enactments. And what was the obstacle 
which prevented its application to the sugar trade. First, and 
that about which most has been said, the colonial interest. We 
shall say a few words on this subject presently. But the real 
obstacle to the equalization of the duties, was the direct encourage- 
ment thereby given to the slave-trade . Every relaxation of protec- 
tion had been given that could be given, short of admitting slave- 
grown sugar, Avithout materially diminishing its high price, or 
furnishing a supply equal to the demand. This was the dilemma 
to which we were brought. Urged by every consideration of 
pecuniary and commercial interest, by the pressure of high 
prices, and the obvious loss to the revenue occasioned by the 
limited consumption, and by the growing conviction of the 
soundness of the doctrines of the economists, and the necessity 
of applying them uniformly, if we would give them a fair trial, 
the only barrier between us and the removal of so many diffi- 
culties, and the attainment of so many advantages, was our fear 
of giving a stimulus to that slavery which we had made so many 
sacrifices to destroy. This, indeed, was no new or unexpected 
situation. It was one which had been long before foreseen and 
repeatedly foretold by the chief of the abolitionists themselves, 
that a time would come when the cost of producing sugar in the 
British colonies would have risen so high, that the country 
would no longer endure the increasing price and diminishing 
quantity of an article becoming every day more essential, when, 
in short, the temptation would have become too strong, and the 
necessity of self-protection would overpower the dictates of dis- 
interested philanthropy. The accidents of party strife have 
determined this crisis to the present year ; but it was inevitable 
in the long run, whoever was, or was not, minister ; and even 
those who felt most keenly the aggravation of the evils of slavery 
that would be thus produced, must have felt, even while they 
maintained a hopeless resistance to the last, that according to 
the ordinary course of human affairs, it was impossible to expect 



338 Slave-grown Sugar. 

the mass of men, a nation, to continue long to inflict upon 
itself so heavy a privation for the mere maintenance of an 
abstract principle of philanthropy. It is true, indeed, that we 
have by the late measure laid ourselves open to the sarcastic 
comments of the other nations, who are not slow to taunt 
us with having become weary of our philanthropic Quixotism, 1 
and ready to resign our lofty pretensions to a superior morality, 
as soon as they have come seriously to stand in the way of our 
interests. So far as we have provoked such comments by an 
arrogant parade of our virtue, so far must we submit to them as 
just and merited ; but those who endeavour to judge of passing 
events, divesting them of that party- colouring they receive from 
the newspapers, as they could not join in the unmeasured appro- 
bation we bestowed on ourselves for Emancipation, so they will 
not now consider that by the late sugar-duties act we have 
incurred a deep national disgrace. Had, indeed, the dilemma 
in which we found ourselves been one of a mere choice between 
interest and duty, between humanity and revenue, between the 
slave-trade and cheap sugar, it would be impossible to defend 
the measure that has been adopted ; no case of necessity could 
be made out for what would be a deliberate crime ; what is 
morally wrong could never become fiscally inevitable. But a 
little further consideration of the subject will, we think, incline 
the reader to the conclusion we have arrived at ; that though it 
would undoubtedly be better, if we could, to have no connexion, 
however remote, with negro-slavery, and to reject the contami- 
nation of all produce of slave-laboTir, yet that, under the circum- 
stances in which we are at present placed, the admission of 
slave-grown sugar, though truly inconsistent with the high moral 
tone that Ave have so long affected on the subject, will prove in 
the long run to have been the wisest and most sensible measure 
that could have been resorted to in a matter in which some new 
measure was absolutely necessary. 

And first let it be observed, that the restrictions in question 
did not originate in favour of the negro. The distinction 
between free-labour and slave-labour sugar is one of quite 
recent introduction into our legislation. Up to the period of 
emancipation all foreign sugar whatever, without distinction of 
country, was prohibited. This exclusion was in favour simply 
of colonial interests, and was a remnant, and the most important 
one, of the old 'colonial system.' Those who have recently 
maintained that prohibition of foreign sugar, have maintained it 
principally on the ground of the claims of the West Indies to 
protection, and have only used the anti-slavery argument as 

1 See, for instance, an article in the Revue des Deux Monties, for August 1. 



Slave-grown Sugar. 339 

secondary. This new position of the question of slavery, its 
thus being displaced from being itself the object and aim of 
legislation, and becoming the accident of another question, which 
for the time is one of prime importance, is unfortunate, as not 
only tending to draw attention away from it, but as causing the 
advocates of free-labour to be looked at with suspicion. Their 
cause was formerly that of justice, humanity, and generosity, 
striving against and overcoming the resistance of the pecuniary 
interests of the planters. But now, the colonial monopoly and 
its supporters, and those who are called the friends of the West 
India interest, are the parties who are adopting the cause of the ne- 
gro ; while theWhig statesmen, who have been trained in the school, 
and inherit the principles, of Mr. Fox and Lord Grey, and who are 
wont to refer with so much pride to the long and unequal con- 
test they waged in favour of liberality, toleration, and commer- 
cial freedom, and to whose unremitting exertions Abolition owed 
its final triumph, appear on the other side. This is surely one 
of the most singular of the shiftings of party position on the 
quicksands of Parliamentary politics which our history presents. 
It is one which supplies abundant materials for those person- 
alities of retort, and tu quoque, which form the staple of argu- 
ment in the House of Commons, but to the reflecting bystander 
is rather a proof of the necessary insincerity of all political 
parties, than of any real change of views on either side. 

Let us now consider the claims of the colonies to have their 
sugar protected in the ho